Ships Of Oak

2008-02-19T04:28:00.000-08:00

The St Petersburg Model

Thanks to Alex, at the St Petersburg naval museum, we now have dimensions for the model. Basic stats first, a history of the model, and two photos of the model - 1929 and 2007, after restoration.

Dimensions:

Keel: 469 mm

Breadth: 170 mm (outside of planking, but excluding wales)

Height between decks: 36.5 mm (forecastle) and 39.5 mm (poop)

Length: 525 mm (after end of poop to forward end of focsle)

Length OA: 543 mm

The model’s history:

First appeared in museum inventories 1809

First identified as ‘Royal Transport” 1866

First photos & description published in England, Germany, etc 1920s

Restored 1988

Photos of model

‘1929 Photo’ shows her appearance then

remaining photos (courtesy Alexander Dobrenko) taken 2007, following ‘restoration’.

More (much more!) information on the forum, at http://modelshipworld.com/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=3709&postdays=0&postorder=asc&&start=0

2008-02-18T22:20:00.000-08:00

Royal Yachts, 1685 to 1741

Royal Yachts	Built	Fate			Guns	Length	Breadth	Tons	Masts	Rig
Mary	1660	1675	wrecked			52.0	19.0	100.0
Royal Escape	1660			1714, rebuilt		30.5	14.3	34.0	1
Anne	1661	1686	sold			52.0	19.0	100.0
Bezan	1661	1687	BU			34.0	14.0	35.0
Katherine	1661					49.0	19.0	94.0
Charles	1662					36.0	14.2	38.0
Jemmy	1662	1722	BU			31.0	12.5	26.0
Henrietta	1663	1673	sunk			52.0	19.4	104.0
Merlin	1666	1698	sold			53.0	19.5	109.0
Monmouth	1666	1698	sold			51.0	19.5	103.0
Kitchen	1670	1698	sold	1692, bomb		51.0	19.3	101.0	2	ketch?
Saudadoes	1670	1696	captured	1673, rebuilt as 6th rate		51.5	17.5	83.0
Cleveland	1671	1715	sold			53.3	19.3	107.0
Queenborough	1671	1777	BU or sold	1718 rebuilt		30.0	13.0	27.0
Katherine	1671	1720	BU
Richmond	1672	1685	sold			45.0	16.5	64.0
Isle of Wight	1673	1701	BU	1701 - or rebuilt		32.0	13.5	31.0
Deal	1673	1686	sold			32.0	13.0	28.0
Navy	1673	1698	sold		6	48.0	17.5	74.0
Katherine	1674			1720, rebuilt		56.0	21.0	131.0
Portsmouth	1674	1703	wrecked	1679 rb, 1694 ('88?) bomb		57.0	20.5	133.0	2	ketch?
Charles	1675	1678	wrecked			54.0	20.5	120.0
Charlotte	1677	1771	BU	1710, 1761, rebuilt, renamed Augusta		61.0	20.5	143.0
Mary (Princess M?)	1677	1826	BU	1727, rebuilt		66.3	21.5	155.0
Henrietta	1679	1721	sold			65.0	21.7	162.0
Isabella	1680	1683	sold			46.0	16.0	52.0
Fubbs	1682	1781	BU	1701, 1724, rebuilt		73.5	21.1	148.0
Isabella	1683	1702	BU	or 1703, rebuilt (RCA)		65.7	18.9	126.0
Soesdyke	1692	1713	sold		8	57.5	19.5	116.0
Squirell	1694	1714	sold		4	47.0	14.0	37.0
William and Mary	1694	1801	sold	1765, rebuilt	10	76.5	21.6	152.0
Scout	1695	1703	sold	also called, Advice-boat, Scout-boat	4	38.5	13.7	38.0
Isle of Wight	1701	1712	sold		4	46.7	14.0	38.0
Saint Loe	1701	1716	sold		4	42.0	14.0	47.0
Fubbs	1701			1724, rebuilt		73.5	21.1	149.0
Isabella	1703	1715	sold		8
Portsmouth	1703	1832	BU		4
Drake	1705	1727	BU		4
Bolton	1709	1817	BU	1763-73, rebuilt	6	53 (deck)	14.0	42.0	1	cutter
Dublin	1709	1752	BU	1732, changed to ship rig	12	59.7	21.6	148.0	2	ketch
Irish	1700	1712	sold
Charlotte	1711	1818	sold	1737, ketch-rig, 1761 renamed Augusta, 1773 6th rate Princess A.	8	57.6	22.5	155.0
Chatham	1716	1743	sold		4	44.5	16.0	60.0
Queenborough	1718	1777	sold	1775, classed as sloop - survey ship	6	37.3	15.2	46.0
Katherine/ Catherine	1721	1801	sold	1737, rigged as ketch	8	61.5	22.4	161.0
Fubbs	1724	1781	BU		6	61.0	22.0	157.0
Drake	1729	1749	sold		6	45.0	16.8	68.0
Mary/ Princess M	1728	1816	BU	1736, ketch rig; 1783, rebuilt as ship		61.5	22.3	164.0
Carolina/ Royal C	1734	1762	foundered	orig. Peregrine (Carmarthen design)	10	70.5	24.0	216.0
Chatham	1741	1867	BU	1765, 1793, 1826 rebuilt	6	59.0	17.0	90.0	1	cutter

2008-02-18T01:30:00.000-08:00

Royal Transport And The St Petersburg Model

The question of the proto-schooner Royal Transport and the model currently labelled as such, in the Naval Museum at St Petersburg, has had its own online forum since the end of 2007. the link to the first page is http://modelshipworld.com/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=3709&postdays=0&postorder=asc&&start=0&sid=da583f1d14bd23ecc8e3420cb57deafc

It was begun by ‘Woodeater’, a Russian professional modeller affiliated with the St Petersburg museum, who took most of the photos of the model on the forum and first pointed out the inconsistencies between it and the Royal Transport.

Sufficient doubts have now been cast regarding that identification that the question the forum now faces is made up of two parts:

which vessel does the St Petersburg model represent?
What did the real Royal Transport look like?

What is known about the Royal Transport can be summarized briefly. Designed as a fast royal yacht by the eccentric English Admiral Peregrine Osborne, Marquis of Carmarthen, she was launched at Chatham royal dockyard on 11 Dec 1695. The master shipwright overseeing her building was Robert Lee, who was so well thought of that he was the master shipwright who completely rebuilt Royal Sovereign in 1684.

We don’t know how much of her final form was due to Lord Carmarthen, and how much to Lee, who was a professional shipwright, which Carmarthen was not. Numerous mentions of her over the next 2-3 years attest to her speed, ability to point well (sail closer to the wind) and innovative design.

In 1696 she was refitted as a more typical 6^th rate and, presumably, rearmed as well.

Towards the end of 1697 came another refit; the ‘shipwright Tsar’, Peter The Great, who (on a kind of European Grand Tour) had already served an apprenticeship of sorts in a Dutch shipyard. Then, convinced that the English method of designing ships according to ‘scientific principles’, and on paper, was superior to the Dutch rule-of-thumb and oral tradition of learning shipwrightry, moved to England to study for 3 months. He also discovered a new drinking buddy – Carmarthen.

It is not known who his teachers in shipbuilding and design were. Carmarthen was certainly well-informed, which was not all that common amongst the ‘gentlemen captains’ of those times. Candidates include Anthony and John Deane, Fisher Harding and William Sutherland, who was later to write ‘Shipbuilding Unveil’d’.

Carmarthen stood to benefit from Peter’s visit (by being given sole right to import tobacco into Russia), and King William III favoured a Russian alliance of sorts so, in 1697 he decided to give Royal Transport to the Tsar. Accordingly she was refitted – and re-rigged - for the Tsar’s benefit and, following Carmarthen’s orders, her mainmast step removed (?) and a false keel fitted to reduce leeway.

When he left in 1698 it was on Royal Transport (crewed largely by Dutchmen but officered by Englishmen), but disembarked at Helvoetsluys; Royal Transport left without him 10 days later for Archangel, her new home port.

The Admiralty Progress Book for 1695 gave her vital stats as follows.

6^th Rate, Gundeck length 90 ft, keel 75 ft, breadth 23 ft 6 in, depth in hold 9 ft 9 in, tonnage 220, 100 men and 18 guns (swivels or pattaroes were not counted). Elsewherte it was noted that she was built ‘frigate-fashion’

Although nowhere specified exactly, it is likely that (at least for some of her 20-year career) she was rigged as a schooner. The only other possibilities in those times for a vessel with a foremast and main would be as a brigantine or as a snow – neither of which rig is particularly noted as weatherly, which she certainly was.

The last mention of her is in 1715 when (according to John Deane, author of the anonymously published ‘The Russian Fleet Under Peter The Great’) she was repaired and refitted, and left Archangel as part of a squadron – still commanded by an Englishman, William Hutchison. In September, off the coast of Sweden, she was wrecked and Hutchison and 20 others made prisoners by the Swedes. Her captain died still in captivity.

The best sources (apart from the forum above!) are an article in Mariner’s Mirror, 69:1, the last-quoted book, the DNB and Phillips, ‘The Founding Of Russia’s Navy’. The MM article has a pretty thorough bibliography, but its author has no doubt that the St Petersburg model represents Royal Transport.

Yet to be posted: the dimensions of the model, and a list of possible candidates for her identity, starting with a list of English royal yachts.

2007-10-12T03:59:00.000-07:00

Tudor Ships’ Boats, part 1

Henry VII and Henry VIII (1485 to 1547)

The Tudors ruled England from 1485, when Henry VII ended the Wars Of The Roses, to the death of Elizabeth in 1603; this period really marked the beginning and development of a permanent Royal Navy.

Although a fair amount of material is available about the Royal ships themselves, precious little evidence has survived about the boats carried (or, more often, towed) by the ships. Following is a little of what does survive, in written records and pictures, to form an idea of what they were like.

Any historical study of the RN will use the publications of the Navy Records Society, and this is no exception. The first written evidence for the period is the NRS volume, ‘Naval Accounts & Invemtories of Henry VII’, which covers the early years of that reign – 1485 to 1497. There are, in the inventories for ‘great ships’, three boats mentioned (in order of size):

Great (or ‘long’) boat
Cock
Jollyvatt (jollyboat)

There are also, in several other souorces, printed inventories from the reign of Henry VIII, in Oppenheim’s ‘Administration’, various books on the Mary Rose, the Anthony Roll and Hakluyt’s ‘Principal Navigations’.

During the years covered here this ‘establishment’ of boats changed little, although certain names came into more common use. For instance, the ‘cock’ was later known as the ‘shallop’, and the ‘jollivatt’ or ‘gellywatt’ came eventually to be known as the ‘jollyboat’ or ‘skiff’. What was originally called the ‘great boat’ – the largest ship’s boat – gradually became more usually called the ‘longboat’.

Uses

The carriage of officers, crew and passengers is the first use that comes to mind; normally the cock or shallop would be used for this, though a single (& unimportant) passenger would warrant only the jollyvatt, and large numbers of men would have to be moved in the great boat.

Supplies – mainly water and victuals – was another frequent use of the great boat and cock. Water, beer, salted meat – and, in fact, most victuals – were packed and carried in barrels (butts or hogsheads), so boats were often designed around the ability to carry the maximum number of these. If the ship was on a long, ocean-going trip the empty barrels would be taken ashore and filled there from local water or other supplies, so they had to be capable of carrying decent numbers of barrels.

Hakluyt’s ‘Principal Navigations’ mentions, during the course of a 1535 voyage:

The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men, we were also furnished with a great bote, which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water, which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibraltar into the maine Ocean. We had also a great long boat and a skiff.

Ten tons of water in casks equates to 40 hogsheads, each of which being 64 gallons in capacity (a modern steel drum, 1.5 metres high, holds about 44 gallons). Richard Barker (a water engineer as well as naval antiquarian) has worked out that, to carry 40 such hohsheads would need a hull length of at least 54 feet – half the length of a big ship.

Anchor-work was another frequent use, and for this the largest boat (usually the great boat) was often fitted with a windlass and a large davit fitted with a sheave, overhanging the bow (or occasionally the stern), to either retrieve an snagged anchor when it came time to weigh, or carrying out a kedge anchor if the ship was stranded on a sand bar.

Boats were also frequently used for towing ships, either when becalmed through lack of wind or to overcome a contrary wind and tide. What is often not realized is the extent to which ships’ boats were used in action.

This use could be in one of several different ways. If the ship was becalmed with the enemy just out of range of her guns, one or more of the boats would then tow her into range. Boats were also often used to actually attack an enemy ship, as several could be used to board the ship from more than one point at the same time.

Oars, Masts And Sails

As a rough rule of thumb, the larger the boat the more likely it was normally to have been sailed rather than rowed. One mast was usual, and the rig was either square or spritsail – although there is a possibility that the square sail was set at times as a lugsail.

In all the inventories that I’ve seen – regardless of the size of the boat – only one mast, yard and sail is shown. A typical list for the ‘great boat’ of a large ship – the Sovereign of 1495 - reads:

Grete botes belongyng to the seid ship 1

Rothers to the same bote 1

Mastes 1

Sayle yerdes 1

Sayles 1

Shrowdes 13

Stayes to the mast 1

Shyvers of yron in the botes hede 1

Devettes with a shyver of yron to the same 1

Cheynes in the bowes of the seid bote armyng the ankers 1

Ores to the seid bote 18

Fforeskolles to the seid bote 1

Afterskulles to the same 1

This tells us quite a bit about the ship’s boat of 500 years ago. The rudder is listed separately, so it could be unshipped; the mast must have been big to warrant 13 shrouds (I’ve no explanation for the odd number here, shrouds usually being in pairs), but still carried only one sail, with its yard; this was probably a square sail. The most common fore-and-aft sail on a boat at the time was the spritsail, but that cannot apply here, as a yard is mentioned, not a sprit.

The ‘sculls’ mentioned were, in the accounts, always cheaper than oars, so must have been smaller; there are several possible explanations for these. Two hundred years later sculls were always used in pairs, one in each hand, but as here one fore-scull and one after-scull are listed, they are probably squeezed in at the extremities of the boat, where there was not enough beam to work a full-sized oar. They could also have been used on either side, when approaching a ship or wharf, where space was tight and precision needed.

The eighteen oars mentioned (plus the sculls) give some idea of the size of the boat, and that number was by no means exceptional. If we look at an 18-oared boat from much later, when measurements are available, the smallest I can find is just under 36 feet in length; if the two sculls are allowed for – one at each end – this increases to 42 feet.

Note that this was the smallest 18-oared boat: others were found of 46 feet or even more. To keep the boat within a reasonable size they were rowed double-banked, ie, two men sat on each thwart (bench), each one rowing an oar on each side.

In an account of 1410 – much earlier than most records – a ship’s great boat is noted as having 13 oars and 2 sculls, so their use has a long history; that boat, though, had two masts, something which was not to happen again for nearly 200 years.

Lastly, the gear needed for handling the ground tackle is listed: a sheave of iron in the boat’s head, a davit (bow or stern?) with a sheave of iron, and chains in the bows for ‘arming the anchors’. This has me puzzled; the davit and the sheave in the head are obviously for carrying or hauling up the anchor; the chains could be used to suspend the anchor safely from the boat, or it could be a description of a ‘fore-ganger’, which was the name for the chain section of the cable closest to the anchor, where a rope cable was more likely to be damaged by obstructions on the sea floor.

Other equipment mentioned in the inventories for the great boats (but not cocks or jollyboats) are a windlass and boathooks, the former for weighing the anchor with a cable reeved through the sheave in the davit or boat’s head.

Manning The Boat

A ‘station list’ for the Great Harry, from about 1545, has survived; these lists showed who, or how many men, were to be stationed where, in time of action. Out of her crew of 514 men, all the key locations in the ship are covered, for example, 4 men on the helm and 12 in the main top. The three boats are assigned men:

Boat 40

Cock 20

Gellywatte 10

..which asks yet more questions. If 18 men were needed for the oars and two for the sculls, what of the other twenty? Did they handle the purely sailing roles on board the boat? That would be unusual, as sailors were generally adaptable and multi-skilled if nothing else.

Looking at the inventory of Great Harry’s boats to see where these men would be needed, on how many oars, it gets confusing: spares are included as well, so the 60 oars shown for the great boat and 23 for the cock does not mean that they rowed that number! There is, though, a bit more detail with regard to the great boat’s rigging: 14 shrouds and 28 pulleys, meaning that, although the shrouds of the ship herself were set up with deadeyes in the familiar manner (inventoried as ‘deadmenseyes’), the boat’s mast was set up with blocks – presumably so the mast could be raised or struck more quickly and easily.

If we look at the only known (named) portrait of the Great Harry, from the 1546 Anthony Roll, we can see what looks like a very large boat being towed, just like all the other large and medium-sized ships in the Roll; only the smaller pinnaces and row-barges don’t show towed boats.

The boat shown – one of the clearest pictures, although all are more or less the same – has a few distinctive features. First is her size which, although the artist didn’t have much drafting skill, is obviously meant to be considerable. Secondly, the boat is double-ended, like all the other boats shown; last, two posts can be seen at the stern(?) of the boat, in one of which we might guess is the sheave of iron mentioned in the inventories, assuming that is her bow.

One other clear picture from that time is the famous ‘Embarkation Of Henry VIII For The Field Of The Cloth Of Gold’, in which several boats are shown, one of which (with flags) appears near the heading of this article. Although the picture is very stylized, and not totally trustworthy, it does again show boats that are big, solid and this time, have a transom with a rudder clearly shown. In this picture nearly 20 passengers are shown, all being rowed by 2 oarsmen(!)

Next: the King who died young, Bloody Mary and Good Queen Bess: 1547 to 1603

2007-09-01T20:55:00.000-07:00

Fresh Water From Seawater

The two main health problems of the Age Of Sail were scurvy and the supply of fresh or potable water; both took centuries to find a permanent fix. As late as 1962, during the Cuban missile crisis, a flotilla of Russian diesel-electric submarines in the Caribbean had plants for distilling seawater which could not even come close to keeping up with the demands of their small crews. In the unventilated heat near the equator, all the crewmen were restricted to one 3-minute fresh-water shower per week (sea-water showers made things worse, as the salt dried on the skin).

The accepted wisdom is that the ‘first’ shipboard plants for the distillation of water dated from the 18^th C, and the 1815 edition of Falconer’s Dictionary says:

Dr Lind, in 1761, discovered that sea-water, distilled without the addition of any ingredients, yielded pure fresh water… In 1763, M. Poissonnier invented a still for this purpose, and Lord Mulgrave, in his voyage towards the North Pole in 1773, has done equal justice to its practicability.

It seems that there cannot have been much development of the technology during the intervening 200 years, but at least Falconer gives us a reliable date. Or does he?

Boteler’s ‘Six Dialogues Of Sea Service’ was written during the 1630s, and contains this passage:

I find in one of our modern writers that sea water being boiled doth evaporate a dewy and watery substance and humour, the which being collected and kept together proves sweet and savoury. The which effect no doubt upon the distillation and limbecking [distilling with tubes] thereof, will prove perfect.. ..i could wish that alkl ships that are designed abroad to long voyages over large seas should be furnished with utensils proper to this purpose.

That is pretty clear: by 1640 at the latest, some masters took stills to sea with them to distill seawater – 120 years before Lind. So was Lind ‘re-discovering’ a device or technique which had been forgotten, or was he taking credit for something already widely-known among seamen, but not among the members of the Royal Society, whom Lind was addressing?

To clarify Boteler’s meaning, when he talks about ‘modern writers’ he doesn’t mean, ‘writing today’ – he is just making the distinction between classical writers – those writing in Greek and Latin – and those, more recent, writing in English. So who are the ‘modern writers’ he mentions?

I suspect he is talking about Hakluyt (Principal Navigations, 1589) and Hawkins, amongst others; Sir Richard Hawkins, son of Sir John, wrote a very wide-ranging book, published in 1593, called the ‘Observations’. In it, he says:

Our fresh water had failed us many days, by reason of our long navigation, yet with an invention I had in my ship, I easily drew out of the water of the sea a sufficient quantity of fresh water to sustain my people, with little expense of fuel. The water so distilled we found to be wholesome and nourishing.

There are two surprising elements to that passage. One is the date (1593, although he is talking about a voyage 10 years earlier) which is 230 years before Lind’s and Poissonnier’s ‘invention’. The other is the way he talks of his fresh-water still – not as a startling new invention, but as something already known about. And that is as far back as I’ve been able to trace the practice of distilling fresh water from seawater.

Mind you, the seamens' collective wisdom was far from infallible. In the account of a 1588 voyage to Africa's West coast printed in Hakluyt, the author says, It hath pleased God of his mercefull goodnesse to give me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost. Hakluyt prints in the margin, This preseruatiue is wrought by casting into an hogshead of water an handful of bay-salt, as the author told me. Hakluyt does not state how seriously he took this claim..

But one final note, to be the subject of a future piece of greater length, concerns the early use of anti-scorbutics, or cures for scurvy. Hawkins' labeling of it as 'the plague of the sea' is no exaggeration (although it was also known on land). It is due, we now know, to an absence of Vitamin C in the diet, and causes hair and teeth loss, swollen, bleeding gums, fatigue, weight loss and – if not treated with fresh fruit and vegetables – eventually, death.

It took many years, and many false starts before – in the Royal Navy, at least – in the last quarter of the 18^th century, lime- or lemon-juice was added to every seaman’s daily rations - usually in the rum or arrack, sweetened with sugar, as only sour fruit had a high vitamin C content. But how early was this known? A previous post (see below) records Captain Cook’s use of a ‘robb’ (syrup) of lime juice in 1770, but boiling the juice to make it tends to destroy the vitamin C; so the last (or the first?) word here belongs to Richard Hawkins:

..we found sour oranges and lemons the most effective remedy.

2007-07-23T19:41:00.000-07:00

Magnificent Club-Hauling

Tacking, or staying, is to change tack by putting the helm down (to leeward, to direct the ship’s bow into the wind); if all goes well, her bow passes the eye of the wind and the tacks, braces and sheets are changed – she is now on the other tack. The alternative is to wear ship - put her on the other tack by turning the ship's head downwind, and continue turning until she is on the other tack.

Hutchinson (Naval Architecture And Practical Seamanship, 1794) says:

There is a saying amongst seamen, if a ship will not stay, you must ware her; and if she will not ware, you must box-haul her: and if you cannot box-haul her, you must club-haul her; that is, let go the anchor to get her about on the other tack.

Sometimes, for instance when there is a heavy sea from windward which pushes her head away from the wind, she is said to have missed stays – her bow will not pass across the wind to put her on the other tack in one manoeuvre. As Hutchinson says, she can then be worn, but that needs a lot of sea-room, and is not feasible in a heavy sea, when she can broach to when broadside-on to the waves. When in this situation, she is box-hauled; this means simply that she is allowed to gather sternway, and her helm is put up (which has the desired effect of putting her bow across the wind), sheets, tacks and braces are changed and hauled in, and she will go ahead on the new tack.

But again, this needs plenty of room for the ship to gather adequate speed to complete the turn; when there is insufficient sea-room to box-haul a ship, the only course left is to club-haul her, which is a difficult and rarely-used expedient – also meaning the loss of an anchor – involving very little sternway, hence can be done with little room, such as in an enclosed bay with an onshore wind - the dreaded 'lee shore'.

Club-hauling, and when it is used, is simply explained by Darcy Lever in the Young Sea-Officer’s Sheet Anchor (1808):

If a ship by accident be so near a lee shore with a head sea, as to make it certain that she will not stay, she is Box-hauled… but if she be too near even to venture on that, she puts down her helm, and when the headway is stopped, lets go the lee anchor, which brings her head to the wind, and then casts on the other tack by the sails (as in heaving up the anchor), and cuts the cable.

Hutchinson adds to that the advice that either the lee or the weather anchor may be let go, depending on which is more likely to hold.

Smyth (Sailor’s Word-Book, 1867) describes club-hauling – lifting the description of it straight from Falconer’s Dictionary (1815) - thus:

A method of tacking a ship by letting go the lee anchor as soon as the wind is out of the sails, which brings her head to wind, and as soon as she pays off, the cable is cut and the sails trimmed; this is never had recourse to but in perilous situations, and when it is expected that the ship would otherwise miss stays. The most gallant example was performed by Captain Hayes in HMS Magnificent, 74, in Basque Roads, in 1814, when with lower yards and topmasts struck, he escaped between two reefs from the enemy at Oleron. He bore the name of Magnificent Hayes to the day of his death, for the style in which he executed it.

In fact, what Hayes (the same Capt John Hayes mentioned in the post on the Ship-Building Competition, below) did was doubly remarkable: he club-hauled his ship, a rare occurrence at any time, as it means the loss of an anchor and cable but also, whilst his topmasts and topgallant masts were struck down (a standard response when weathering a heavy gale) he also set his courses outside the topmasts – a last resort which was much commented on at the time.

James (Naval History, 1824), in describing the event, drops his usual dry style and sounds almost animated:

The manner in which the British 74-gun ship Magnificent, Captain John Hayes, on the night of the 16th of December in the present year, was saved in a gale of wind on the coast of France is so extraordinary, and at the same time so creditable to the nautical skill and presence of mind of her captain, and to the expertness, alacrity, and good discipline of British seamen, that we shall be doing, not merely an act of justice to the officers and crew of the Magnificent, but a service to the whole profession, by giving all the publicity in our power to an account of the circumstance, which has already appeared in a popular periodical work devoted to naval subjects.

The ship was anchored in the evening between the reef of Chasseron, and the reef of Isle de Ré, nearly mid-channel, in 16 fathoms' water, in the entrance to Basque road ; the courses reefed, and top-gallant-yards down. At 8 o'clock, the weather appearing suspicious, and the wind beginning to blow, the top-gallant-masts were got down on deck : at half-past, it came on squally, and the ship was veered to a cable and a half.

At 9, she was found to be driving, and in only 11 fathoms' water ; the small bower was instantly let go, which brought her up in 10 fathoms. Yards and topmasts were immediately struck, as close down as they could be got. The moon was not to be seen, yet it was not a dark night : it just gave sufficient light to show us our dangerous situation; the sea breaking on the reef, with great violence, about a quarter of a mile astern, and on the starboard quarter.

As soon as the topmasts were down, orders were given to heave in upon the best bower, which appeared to be slack, as though the anchor had broken. Three quarters of a cable were got in, when the stock appearing to catch a rock, it held fast : service of course was put in the wake of the hawse, and the cable secured. The inner cable of the best bower was unspliced, and bent to the spare anchor ; and a leads-man was kept in the chains to heave the lead, the same as though the ship had been under way, in addition to the deep-sea lead, attended at the gangway by a quarter master, when it was discovered by the man in the chains, that there was a large rock under the ship's bottom, of three fathoms in height: in fact the ground was covered with rocks, and the ship in the midst of them, with the wind at W.S.W. blowing a gale, with small rain and a heavy sea.

In this state we remained, with people stationed with axes to the sheet and spare anchors, till daylight when the man at the deep-sea lead declared the ship to be driving. The spare anchor was directly cut away, and the range taken out; when the ship brought up again, and when the ebb tide made, she took the whole cable service, and rode with the best and small bowers ahead, and the spare anchor broad on the starboard bow. The gale appeared to increase ; the sea was high ; and, as it broke sometimes outside the ship, it proved she was in the midst of rock, and that the cables could not remain long without being cut.

The wind at this period was west, and St-Marie church bore east, and the distance where the ship would have gone to pieces, about one cable's length ; the shoalest part of the reef about two cables, lying in an S.S.E. and N.N.W. direction. The wind now came to W.b.N. ; but to counteract this favourable change, it was a lee tide, and a heavy sea setting right on the reef, and neither officers nor men thought it possible, in any way, to cast her clear of the reef, and to make sail, more particularly as the yards and topmasts were down.

The captain, however, gave orders to sway the fore-yard two-thirds up ; and, while that was doing, to get a hawser for a spring to cast the ship by from the starboard quarter to the spare cable ; while this was doing, the spare cable parted, and we had only the sheet anchor at the bows ; but, as she did not drive, that was not let go. The main yard was now swayed outside the topmast, two-thirds up the same ; as the fore-yard and the spring brought on the small bower cable, people were sent on the yards to stop each yard-arm of the topsails and courses with four or five spunyarn stops, tied in a single bow, and to cast off and make up all the gaskets.

The people were then called down, except one man to each stop, who received very particular orders to be quick in obeying the commands given them, and to be extremely cautious not to let a sail fall, unless that sail was particularly named : if particular attention were not paid to this order, the ship would be lost. The yards were all braced sharp up for casting from the reef, and making sail on the starboard tack. The tacks and sheets, topsail sheets, and main and mizen-stay-sail halyards were manned, and the spring brought to the capstan and hove in.

The captain now told the people, that they were going to work for life or death ; if they were attentive to his orders, and executed them properly, the ship would be saved ; if not, the whole of them would be drowned in five minutes. Things beings in this state of preparation, a little more of the spring was hove in ; the quarter-masters at the wheel and bow received their instructions. The cables were ordered to be cut, which was instantly done ; but the heavy sea on the larboard bow would not let her cast that way. The probability of this had happily been foreseen. The spring broke, and her head paid round in towards the reef. The oldest seaman in the ship at that moment thought all lost. The captain, however, gave his orders very distinctly, to put the helm hard a-starboard, to sheet home the fore-topsail,* and haul on board the fore tack, and aft foresheet, keep all the other sails fast, square the main and mizen topsail yards, and cross jack-yard, keep the main-yard as it was.

The moment the wind came abaft the beam, he ordered the mizen-top-sail to be sheeted home, and then the helm to be put hard a-port - when the wind came nearly aft - haul on board the main-tack, aft main-sheet, sheet home the main-topsail, and brace the cross-jack-yard sharp up. When this was done (the whole of which took only two minutes to perform), the ship absolutely flew round from the reef, like a thing scared at the frightful spectacle. The quarter-master was ordered to keep her south, and the captain declared aloud, ' The ship is safe.' The gaff was down, to prevent its holding wind, and the try-sail was bent ready for hoisting, had it been wanted. The main and mizen staysails were also ready, but were not wanted. The fore-top-mast staysail was hoisted before the cables were cut : thus was the ship got round in less than her own length ; but, in that short distance, she altered the soundings five fathoms.

And now, for the first time, I believe, was seen a ship at sea under reefed courses, and close reefed top-sails, with yards and topmasts struck. The sails all stood remarkably well ; and by this novel method, was saved a beautiful ship of the line, and 550 souls. I cannot find any man or officer who ever saw a ship in the state before ; yet all seemed surprized that they should never before have thought of it. Indeed it has ever been the prevailing opinion (perhaps for want of giving the subject proper consideration), that a ship with yards and topmasts struck was completely disabled from making sail, except with staysails.

* The yards were all braced up for the starboard tack : consequently, when she cast the other way, the foresail and foretopsail were set as flat-a-back as they could be ; and they were not altered in bringing her to her course ; the way she was managed it was not necessary.

2007-07-16T22:13:00.000-07:00

The Navy's Contribution To Alcoholism

Alcoholic drinks played a bigger role in everyday life 200 years and more ago than they do today – and nowhere more so than at sea. There are several very good reasons for this. Probably the most obvious of these is the fact that tea and coffee and soft drinks – the most common drinks of our times – were rare or expensive or both, in times past.

But at sea there was an even more compelling reason: water quickly went bad in the casks in which it was stored. The casks were not always cleaned properly before they were filled so, even if they had previously contained water (and not, say, cheese or meat, which was also stored in casks), impurities, algal growth and bacteria were likely to already be present.

But as it was well known that alcohol was a preservative, it was to alcoholic drinks that everyone turned for a potable drink.

There is a myth that rum only was the staple drink in the Navy of Nelson, but that did not become the case until well into the 19^th, when tea and potable water were available and, incidentally, when the rum ration was drastically and repeatedly cut.

The usual drink was actually beer. Today we would call it ‘light’ beer, as the alcohol content was probably between 2 and 4 per cent, but it was freely available, though the purser’s budget allowed for one gallon per man per day.

But beer – especially light beer – also went off in the cask (although it lasted better than water), so when the beer ran out there were universally accepted substitutes. If wine was available, that was served, at the rate of one pint (a pint = 20 fluid oz = 76% of a modern bottle).

When both beer and wine were unavailable, as often happened on long cruises, spirits were substituted – but not always rum. If the ship was in the East Indies (Asia) ‘arrack’ was issued, in the Mediterranean and off Europe brandy, though elsewhere (especially in the West Indies) it was rum.

The ration was served out twice per day in two equal amounts, usually at dinner (12 noon) and supper (4 pm). The ration was a gill (1/4 pint) on each occasion, adding up to half a pint (285 ml, 38% of a bottle or a pub glass) in total for the day.

But as there was a universal belief that alcoholic drinks were less intoxicating if diluted, the wine was watered down half-and-half, while rum, arrack and brandy were made into ‘four-water grog’ – one part spirits to 3 parts water. In addition, after the war of the American Revolution, lime juice or some other anti-scorbutic was added to the grog, which was then sweetened with sugar to get rid of the bitterness.

(The English were notorious for their national sweet tooth; sugar intake there was fully four times that of France, and even more in proportion with other countries.)

In spite of such rations, drunkenness was entirely unacceptable in any crew member, and was severely punished. However, there would have been little danger of that amongst those who just drank their ration every day – the habit meant little effect would have been felt.

But if a favour was owed, or if a crewman had some happy event to celebrate, the rest of his mess would usually contribute a small part of their own ration – and get him drunk. The more popular a sailor was, the more likely he was to be punished for drunkenness.

Jack Nastyface, who served at Trafalgar, in his memoirs (‘Nautical Economy’) had this to say about the rum ration:

After punishment, the boatswain’s mate pipes to dinner, it being eight bells, or twelve o’clock; and this is the pleasantest part of the day, as at one bell the fifer is called to play ‘Nancy Dawson’, or some other lively tune, a well-known signal that the grog is ready to be served out. It is the duty of the cook from each mess to fetch and serve it out to his messmates, of which every man and boy is allowed a pint, that is, one gill of rum and three of water, to which is added lemon acid, sweetened with sugar. Here I must remark, that the cook comes in for the perquisites of office, by reserving to himself an extra portion of grog, which is called the overplus, and generally comes to the double of a man’s allowance. Thus the cook can take upon himself to be the man of consequence, for he has the opportunity of inviting a friend to partake of a glass, or of paying any little debt he may have contracted. It may not be known to everyone that it is grog which pays debts, and not money, in a man of war.

In addition to the regular ration, the crew was sometimes given an additional tot, to relieve fatigue or as a reward – known as ‘splicing the mainbrace’. That term came about because, if the mainbrace (one of the most used and most critical parts of the running rigging) needed splicing due to damage, a long splice had to be made, while the ship was on the tack opposite to the side needing splicing, so it needed to be done as quickly as possible, by the best seamen; an extra tot was then given as a reward.

When reading journals and autobiographies from those times, this reliance on alcohol, even amongst ‘moderate’ drinkers, becomes very apparent. Patrick Renney, a surgeon during the Seven Years’ War, wrote, after his ship had captured a fleet of coasters, laden with wine, that it was:

..unloaded and divided amongst the squadron, was ordered to be served out to the seamen as king’s stores, at the rate of a pint a man per day, in lieu of small beer or grog; the officers might have any quantity they chose from the pursers at twenty pence a gallon.. This was a very comfortable refreshment on a long cruise, and as the beer was all expended we substituted claret in the room, but stinted [!] ourselves to two gallons a day, being four in the mess.

The surgeon thought this allowance rather too much …so as not to offend against the laws of prudence and sobriety, and as the admiral was a strict disciplinarian he paid great attention to the conduct of the inferior officers.. this advice we took in good part …but could not abate anything of the stated allowance, having nothing else to wash down the salt beef and pork which was our only fare in the cockpit.

Even the ship’s boys were often given the same allowance as the men, although some captains baulked at this, and as the century ended it was becoming more common to exclude the ship’s boys (at least the very young) from the practice. In 1798, though, Aaron Thomas could still write:

Punished the Boy Skipper on his Backside with 12 Lashes for giving yesterday half a Gill of Rum to Gater the Marine for washing his Cloaths. --There is something particular in this case. The Boys are allowed their Rum. and if they drink it, they often get drunk with it, therefore it is understood, they may give it to persons who wash & mind for them: And many Boys in some Ships sell their Liquior. But this particular Boy was floged for giving his Liquior away to a Marine who had done work for him. So that by floging this Lad, it is the same as giving out orders, for all the Boys to drink their own allowance, and thereby get drunk with it. The best that can be said of it is; that it will encourage intoxication

As one would expect, alcoholism was widespread. The surgeon Renney has a pen-portrait of the sailor’s idea of heaven on earth (visiting Haslar hospital):

a seaman, whose under jaw was shattered by a grape shot, was walking about the yard with a can of wine in one hand and a funnel in the other, which he introduced into his mouth, and pouring in the wine, enjoyed the precious liquor as if nothing had been the matter.

But commissioned and warrant officers were especially likely to fall prey to problem drinking. William Spavens, writing of the Seven Years’ War, talks about a master’s mate acting as prize master, who:

..had recourse to his usual method of dispelling uneasiness – by hard drinking, which he followed up so closely, that it almost prevented him from taking the usual observations.

And:

At the time we left Bluefields, he had fourteen gallons [c. 80 bottles] of rum of his own, besides his share of the ship’s stock, which being all expended, we refused to supply him with what belonged to ourselves… He replied he could not subsist without liquor..

By the turn of the century – to a large degree due to the use of iron tanks to store drinking water, which then kept better - grog had replaced beer as the standard ration and, with increased shore leave and the consequent opportunities to smuggle alcohol on board, drunkenness was more and more seen as the problem it had become. In 1813 Admiral Lord Keith would write:

In no ship, I believe, are spirits mixed with less than five of water, nor the grog served out less than twice daily, after dinner and before sunset; yet the crime of drunkenness continues to prevail.

Soon after he wrote that, a ‘critical mass’ of senior officers (especially the ‘blue light’ admirals) opposed to the grog issue was reached, and in 1824 (by which time rum had largely replaced beer) the daily rum ration was halved, to a gill (= 5 fluid oz = ¼ pint) and, in 1851, halved again. By 1970 the Admiralty abolished it altogether, and thereafter RN ships were officially ‘dry’.

2007-05-05T03:48:00.000-07:00

Instructional Models

The following are 3 examples of the teaching aids (as they would be nowadays called) used widely on Royal Navy training ships in the 19^th century. All the photos date from the period 1870 to 1910.

These models – which were anywhere from 6 feet to 18 feet in length – were the centrepieces of most rigging classes, and they certainly must have been far more effective as such than blackboards. Once the seaman- or officer-cadet had learned his theory to the satisfaction of the instructor (usually a bosun), following the lead of the rigging across the model (they were working models, with real – though miniature – blocks, they progressed to full-sized practice aloft. (A number of these training ships is shown below.)

Although such models were occasionally built from scratch, from the keel up, the majority used the hulls of old cutters, yawls or jolly boats which were no longer deemed seaworthy, and built up on the stripped-down decks a complete suit of masts, sails and deck furniture. Every single item of rigging was reproduced on the models.

Curiously, there is very little evidence of such converted ships’ boats being working (ie, which actually sailed), but then almost every training ship (generally 2- and 3-deckers were used) had its own tender, a brig, retired from the active list, which was constantly at sea, manned by a skeleton crew of professionals and as many cadets as they could use.

In the waist of HMS Impregnable, teaching seaman-cadets
(note the wheels)

Forward, on the upper deck of HMS Britannia (for officer cadets)

A clinker-built boat (yawl?) from HMS Howe

2007-05-05T02:57:00.000-07:00

HMS Petrel and Marmorice Bay

Sometimes the enemy was not the French, but the sea and the weather. In 1801 an amphibious expedition was mounted to drive the French from Egypt once and for all. Arrangements were made with the Turks (then allies) to rendezvous at the Bay of Marmorice, on the coast of what was then called Asia Minor (Turkey).

The army of 14,000 men, convoyed by a large naval escort (nearly 200 ships altogether), depended on Turkish animals, small craft and equipment, which were supposed to be ready in Marmorice. When they did finally arrive the supplies were not ready, but that lay in the future; just reaching the anchorage was to be an adventure in itself.

The following is interesting for the wide differences between the two accounts, which describe the same events. There are 2 sources: part of a letter written by the Commander of HMS Petrel (or Peterel), Charles Inglis, who piloted the combined force into Marmorice, and an anecdote, written years later by Lt Parsons (a teenaged midshipman at the time), in which he describes the events from the point of view of a signal officer on the flagship, under Admiral Keith.

Comparing the two accounts, you could be forgiven for thinking they describe different events. That by Inglis understates his part: in fact, to read his version, you would think that nothing out of the ordinary had occurred. The Parsons version gives a much more vivid tale of the enormous risks involved. At the time of the rendezvous the fleet was being battered by one of the worst storms in memory for that part of the coast; most of the soldiers were on the transports and, had they not found Marmorice with Inglis’ help, many would certainly have foundered in the heavy seas. Survivors would have been few.

Inglis’ letter (to another officer, in the blockading squadron off Brest) was published by the Navy Records Society; his reference to that night is very brief, almost throwaway. The second extract, together with a picture of the Bay drawn on the day after they arrived (in the middle of the night in the storm) gives a much more graphic idea of how threatening the coast appeared to those on the ships in the storm. The high, dark mountains Parsons refers to can be seen in the background of the picture, and the artist (an unknown officer) obviously found them as frightening as did Parsons; the fort on the rocks that he mentions, and some of the ships, are also visible.

Note: Parsons is never very reliable in details like dates: although he gives the time as the end of January, the gale and entry to Marmorice actually took place on New Year’s Eve. ‘Armes en flute’ refers to a warship that has, in order to act as a transport, been stripped of all the guns on one or more decks; when armed thus (en flute) she is no longer rated, and may be commanded by a lieutenant.

Commander Charles Inglis’ Letter

January 18^th. You must know the Petrel had the post of honour in leading the fleet into this place. I fell in with them at sea, and offered to lead them into the Gulf of Macri, where I had been before with the Captain Pacha's fleet and Lord Keith ordered me to do so the next morning. During the night a gale of wind came on from the SE, so that we could not fetch. [ie, could not work to windward, away from the lee shore] My signal was made to come within hail, and my opinion asked if I could carry them into any other place. I offered to bring them in here, and my signal was made to lead.^, It was an arduous undertaking, considering circumstances - a gale of wind, hazy weather, a lee shore and dangerous coast. I fortunately pricked for the port within quarter of I mile, although during the day we hardly ever saw half a mile ahead.

The Gale

from: Lt G. Parsons: Nelsonian Reminiscences

In the latter end of the month of January, 1801, the day dawned with every indication of bad weather - the mass of dense and heavy clouds, piled upon each other, occupied all space to the south-west - the sun in his course looked with a fiery aspect - and the sea-fowl, with the wonderful instinct that puzzles the wise, from their foreknowledge of the storm, came screaming in upon the land; the wind blew fiercely, and in fearful gusts - the labouring clouds seemed preparing to discharge their overloaded breasts, and distant thunder rolled along the horizon; the masses of clouds, as they sailed along the ocean, nearly shut out the light of day, and rose at opposite extremities into huge mountains of vapour.

They were illuminated by fitful flashes of lightning, and looked like giant batteries erected in the heavens. As they moved onwards from the south-west, they shot down vivid streams, which, at times, pierced the waters like quivering blades of fire; again the electric fluid took an horizontal direction through the skies, and its dazzling streak fluttered like a radiant streamer, until it lost itself among the clouds. Comparative darkness came on with a suddenness that I never before had observed, and the gusts of wind were terrific. During this elemental war, the British fleet under Vice-Admiral Lord Keith, and the army under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, closely crammed in men-of-war (armes en flute), and transports to the number of two hundred sail, were carrying a heavy press of canvas to claw off a lee-shore. That shore was Caramania, in Asia Minor, a most mountainous, well-wooded, black-looking coast.

We were in search of Marmorice harbour, the appointed rendezvous of the Egyptian expedition; and the Asiatic pilots, frightened at the dangerous position of the fleet in this tremendous weather, lost the little knowledge they had formerly possessed of this unfrequented and frowning coast, whose mountains towered high above the clouds, and on which no vestige of human life could be seen. Every glass, in the clearance between the squalls, was eagerly turned upon the precipitous shore, upon which the heavy waves beat with most horrific grandeur.

It was self-evident to the meanest capacity, that unless the harbour could be entered before night, the transports filled with British warriors would be wrecked on the lee-shore, with no chance of assistance. The men-of-war, by dint of carrying sail, might claw off; but the great majority of this fine army would, in a few hours, become food for the monsters of the deep, or the ferocious and ravenous tenants of the vast forests, that seemed interminable to our straining sight. As each withdrew his glass, with a disappointed look, the longitude of their countenances increased, and the round-faced, laughing midshipman lost his disposition for fun and frolic, and all at once became a reflecting, sedate personage.

The admiral, on whom all the responsibility rested, endeavoured to assume the calmness of tone and manner that the honesty of his open nature would not brook; his agitiation was visible in the contortions of his venerable countenance, and the sudden starts of his nervous system. `Fire a gun, and hoist a signal of attention to the fleet,' said his lordship.

'They have all answered, my lord,' said the officer of the signal department.

`Now, Mr. Staines, be particular; ask if anyone is qualified to lead into Marmorice.'

As the negative flag flew at the masthead of the men-of-war, every countenance proportionally fell. At length, with heartfelt joy, I proclaimed that one of our sloops had hoisted her affirmative.

‘Who is she, youngster? Boy, do not keep me in suspense.'

'The Petrel, my lord.'

I saw an ejaculation of thankfulness rise warm from the heart to the lips of Lord Keith, as he piously raised his eyes and pressed his hand on his heart. `Signal for the fleet to bear up, make more sail, and follow the Petrel,' said Lord Keith. `Captain Inglis may be depended on.' And we shook out a reef, and set the main-top-gallant sail, which soon closed our leader in the Petrel.

As we approached this mountainous and novel land, the idea (and it was an astounding one) seemed to dwell on and occupy the most unreflecting mind, that should Captain Inglis be wrong, every ship, with twenty-five thousand men, would be the sacrifice of such error. Lord Keith ordered the signal of attention with the Petrel's pendants. `Captain Inglis, your responsibility is awful,' said the telegraph. `Are you perfectly certain of the entrance of Marmorice?'

`Perfectly sure,' said the answer; `and right ahead.'

`Signal officers on the foreyard, with their glasses,' said the admiral; and slinging our telescopes, we ascended. Indeed it was time; for now the roar of the waves, as they broke on the coast, throwing their spray on high, conveyed a dismal idea of our impending fate.

`A narrow entrance ahead!' called the signal-lieutenant Staines. `Do the midshipmen make out the same?'

`We all of us discern it, my lord,' shouted the whole at the very extent of our voices.

`God be praised for this great mercy!' ejaculated his lordship, uncovering and bowing his head with great devotion; and I do aver and believe that the grateful sentiment pervaded every heart in the Foudroyant.

The entrance of Marmorice now became distinctly visible to all on deck, from the contrast of the deep, still water to the creamy froth on the shore; and the signal for the convoy to crowd all sail for the port in view, and the men-of-war to haul their wind, until the merchantmen had entered the channel, was flying at the Foudroyant's masthead, as she shot into the gut of Marmorice.

The tremendous mountains overshadowed us, and seemed inclined, from their great height, to come thundering down upon us like the destructive avalanches in the mountains of Switzerland. We now entered the spacious and splendid harbour, circular in its form, and more than twenty miles in circumference. It created great astonishment from its vast magnitude, seeming capable of containing all the ships in the world, with its mountainous shore and immense forests.

In so small a nook as to be nearly invisible, stands on a rock a fort, and a few wretched houses, surrounded by a high wall, I conjecture for the purpose of keeping out the wild beasts, which seemed here lords of the ascendant. This fortification displayed the Crescent, and was saluted with eleven guns, as we took up anchorage, closely followed by our numerous fleet. Scarcely had we moored, when the heavy masses of clouds that had rested on and capped the high land, now opened upon us in earnest, and the forked lightnings darted among the fleet with fatal effect. The gale increased to a perfect hurricane, and blew from all points of the compass; the flakes of ice, for they were too large to be called hail, came down with such prodigious force as to destroy man and beast; and whoever witnessed that storm could entertain no doubt of a special providence in the affairs of men. We were all safe moored..

2007-01-01T02:59:00.000-08:00

SHIP BUILDING COMPETITION

(updated)

From the Naval and Military Magazine, vol I & vol II, June, September and December 1827.

___________________________________________________________

I am more grateful than he realizes to my friend, John Houghton (author of ‘Navies Of The World, 1835-1840’) for his gift of the first 4 volumes of this Magazine, which was to be renamed, with the fifth volume, the better-known “United Services Magazine”.

Until I read an article in the second number I had never heard of the sea trials, in 1827, of seven different sloops, representing the ideas of four different naval architects. When originally announced it was called a “Ship-building Competition”, and the vessels which took part later became known as the “Experimental Squadron”.

You would be quite wrong to do this, but you could make out a neat argument for the competition becoming a four-way contest between the views of the Navy Board establishment, the establishment that was to replace it, a committee of bright young student-shipwrights led by an academic and founder of the first school of naval architecture, and an experienced, professional naval officer with little theory but pronounced opinions on what ‘works’ when at sea.

The first brief news item – 550 words – was buried in the ‘Miscellany’ section of the 2^nd issue of the magazine, but there were further mentions of the results, which I’ve re-ordered slightly, following the first story. Most details of the sloops’ histories is from Lyons, ‘The Sailing Navy List’.

SHIP BUILDING COMPETITION (June, 1827)

On the 5th April Rear-Adm. Sir T. Hardy put to sea, from St. Helen's, in the Pyramus frigate, Capt. Geo. Rose Sartorius with the seven sail of experimental ships, viz.:

Tyne, 28, Capt. K. White;

Acorn, 18, Capt. Alex. Ellice; and

Satellite, 18, Capt. J. M. Laws - built by Sir R. Seppings;

Challenger 28, Capt. John Hayes, C.B. and

Wolf, 18, Capt. Geo. Hayes - built by Capt. Hayes;

Sapphire, 28, Capt. Henry Dundas - built by Professor Inman;

Columbine, 18, Capt. W. Symonds - built by that officer.

They were joined off Plymouth by the Trinculo brig.

The names of the respective designers certainly bear noticing. Seppings was at that time Surveyor of the Navy, to be succeeded in the post 5 years later by Symonds – at the time of this trial a humble Captain; between them they would chalk up 34 years as Surveyors.

Seppings had been a great innovator (he introduced diagonal bracing, which almost eliminated hogging) and his trial vessels rapidly became accepted as the new paradigm. Symonds – representing the next generation – fared rather worse. He was to be responsible for the elliptical stern – which strengthened the ships he later designed, as well as improving their arcs of fire. Symonds lacked professional training as a naval architect, and most of his designs were actually put down on paper by his assistant. In addition, he seemed to have become obsessed with sharp floors and beamy, 'stiff' ships.

It doesn't take too much imagination to work out why a 'crank' or tender ship makes for a bad seaboat and gun platform: a short gust of wind laying a ship over suddenly could be more than alarming. But an excessively 'stiff' ship is almost equally undesirable. A vessel which is forever trying to overcome the pressure of wind to return to an upright state will be endangered, not by sudden gusts, but by equally sudden drops in the wind's strength. A ship that is too stiff will not be just a poor, unstable gun platform, she will also put unwarranted strain on masts and standing rigging, with a jerky, whiplash movement in anything but a mild, constant breeze. And this preoccupation of Symonds can be seen as early as this, the first trial (they were to continue, with other ships and other designers, for another 20 years). The Columbine (body section shown below) has the steep rise of floor that later characterized all his designs. And, as the account shows, because her gunports were a mere 3 feet from the waterline she was not considered a viable sea-boat; 4-5 feet was considered the minimum to enable using the lower ports in even a moderate sea. But somehow, with his patron's help, Symonds got the job as Surveyor on the resignation of Seppings, and later in his career, following the high costs and inherent problems of his designs, they gradually fell out of favour.

Two other designers are named: the Professor (James) Inman credited with the design of the 6^th-rate Sapphire was the inaugural principal of the school of Naval Architecture, and had served an apprenticeship of sorts sailing as Flinders’ astronomer in 1803-4. The Sapphire was actually a group effort, designed & built by the best & brightest of the shipwright apprentices in his school. He was also the first translator, from the Swedish, of Chapman's 'Treatise on Shipbuilding'.

And the Captain Hayes who designed & commanded the Challenger, although now in his 50s, was the ‘Magnificent Hayes’ of seamanship fame who club-hauled his ship (the 74-gun HMS Magnificent) with such famous sang-froid in 1812 in Basque Roads to escape both the French and a lee-shore.

To Rear-Admiral Hardy fell the task of assessing the relative merits of each.

The ships sailed with the wind from the southward, but it was so light and variable, that they were more under the influence of the tide than of it, during the whole of the day. The ships will continue the cruise until Sir T. Hardy has satisfied himself, and convinced the respective commanders, which among them is the best ship of war, and in what degree the others ought to be relatively classed. For this purpose, we understand, the discriminating and experienced commander of the squadron will shift his flag to the fastest vessel on any point of sailing, and give the disputant competitors opportunity of again trying their skill and the rate of their ships.

They have been sent to sea with the utmost fairness toward the several scientific builders, and the Com.-in-Chief appointed to ascertain their merits, is universally acknowledged to combine with his other great professional merits, qualifications peculiar to such a service. The trial is considered of national importance.

The designers weren't content to just design sloops with different hull forms; other innovations were tried, with varying success. One of the greatest – and oldest – problems on sailing ships on long voyages was that of getting sufficient light and air into the tween-decks. Many scuttles, lights and ventilators were tried before the successful glass porthole-with-deadlight solved the issue, and a couple of the attempts had been incorporated into the designs. One of these relatively-new features sprang a leak in mid-trial:

On the 12th April, the Sapphire, 28, Capt. H. Dundas, came into Devonport from the experimental squadron, in consequence of the metal lids to her scuttles being leaky. The lids fitted on this principle have been for some time complained of in the service; it is to be hoped, therefore, that this additional proof of their not being effectual in keeping out the water will be an inducement for the Navy Board to adopt some of the several very excellent plans already before them. The Tyne has three or four scuttles fitted on a plan proposed by Lieut. Robertson, R. N., which were found completely tight, while the common scuttle lids were leaky.

The outcomes seem to have been close. According to Lyon, to get Columbine built, Symonds’ patron had to put up a £20,000 bond - which he did not lose. A significant difference can be seen in the body form of these two vessels: Symonds’ Columbine, with its sharp floors & minimal depth of hold (below) and Seppings’ more traditional, almost slab-sided Satellite (top). The profile of Columbine is shown below her body plan.

Finally, all vessels functioning more or less normally and on station, the trials were run – but disappointingly, very little detail is given. The brig Trinculo was one of the numerous and successful Cruizer class, and Pyramus, Hardy’s ship, was considered a fast, weatherly frigate, her design having been based on the captured French Belle Poule, but with the upper-works of another French capture, the Nymphe. In spite of that it should be noted that all the sloops ‘sailed better than the Pyramus.’ In that sense it seems that all were successes, to a greater or lesser degree; apart from two which were wrecked, the average lifespan of these sloops was a very respectable 45 years. All were ship-rigged for the trials, except for the Columbine, which was a brig-sloop and, later in her career, a brigantine.

The Sapphire had been found to answer extremely well, and is considered a fine man of war of her class. When she left the squadron there had not been any order from the Admiral to try their rate of sailing, though they had been doing their best; but, from the wind being in general light and variable, little judgment could be formed as to the relative qualities of the experimental ships. On the first two days they were sailing by the wind, with light breezes, when it was considered that the Sapphire, Challenger and Columbine, were equal; the order of the others was - Wolf, Acorn, Satellite, and Tyne.

On the third day, when they had a strong breeze and some sea, sailing a point free, the Sapphire had considerably the advantage of the whole squadron, and the others were nearly in the same relative position as on the other two days. All the ships sail better than the Pyramus. The Sapphire is to rejoin the squadron immediately in Bantry Bay.

HMS Challenger was wrecked off the coast of Chile, eight years later, but nearly all its 160 crew were saved. HMS Acorn was lost somewhere in the Atlantic, 12 months later - almost to the day - with the loss of all 115 men on board. (For this, and details of other shipwrecks, see Gilly's 1850 book on the Gutenberg site.)

The Admiral Hardy who oversaw these trials was, of course, the same Hardy who had been Nelson’s Flag-Captain at Trafalgar; he had just returned from the South American station (where another of that breed, Lord Cochrane, would soon be making his own particular brand of mischief), and in 1830 was made First Sea Lord. The dinner-table conversations of the various captains turned shipbuilders – most of whom cut their teeth in the Napoleonic Wars which had finished a mere 12 years before - must have sparkled.

The Experimental Squadron (September, 1827)

In the September number, more details were made available, ending with the note that the squadron had embarked on a second experimental cruise, which was duly reported on in the December number.

We are indebted to an experienced naval officer for some authentic information relative to the proceedings of this little squadron during their recent cruize-the object of which, as our readers must have heard, was to ascertain the comparative sailing qualities of the several vessels, so as to enable the Board of Admiralty to judge of the claims of the respective projectors to superiority in ship-building; and we shall now lay it before our readers, with such additional particulars as we have been able to collect from other quarters.

The following is a list of the several vessels, with their number of guns, and the names of the officers upon whose plans the vessels have been built:

Challenger, 28 Guns, Capt. Hayes, C. B.

Columbine, 18 guns, Capt. Wm. Symonds.

Sapphire, 28 guns, The Shipwright Apprentices, R. N. College.

Wolf, 18 guns, Capt. Hayes.

Acorn, 18 guns, Sir Robert Seppings.

Satellite, 18 guns, Seppings.

Tyne, 28 guns, Seppings

These vessels sailed from St. Helens, on the 5th of April, under the command of Rear Admiral Sir Thomas Hardy, K. C. B., who had his flag flying on board the Pyramus. They were subsequently joined by the Trinculo and Alert; and continued cruizing till the 25th of May, during which period they made twenty-two different trials. Some of the ships, however, were occasionally absent, to make good defects which they met with at sea, a circumstance which must be taken into consideration when judging of the result of the trials, which we mean to do as briefly, but, at the same time, as distinctly as possible.

The Challenger was the foremost ship in eleven out of the twenty-two trials; the Columbine was six times ahead out of twenty trials; the Sapphire three times out of sixteen trials; and the Wolf twice; but she was not absent during the whole cruize. On one occasion, we understand, in a cruize of about nine hours, the Challenger beat the Pyramus eight miles to windward.

The Wolf, Acorn, and Satellite, were generally considered to be of the same rate of sailing. Often trials which the Tyne (Sir Robert Seppings's ship) made, she was last eight times, and second last twice; in short, she was considered to be so very inferior to the other vessels in point of sailing, that it was deemed absolutely necessary some alteration should be made in her; and this was the cause of her having been present at only ten of the trials.

The Challenger does great credit to Captain Haves, being decidedly the best of the squadron; and it has afforded us much pleasure to hear that the Admiralty have rewarded the exertions of that ingenious officer, by a grant of £1,000; in addition to which, we understand, they have ordered his pay, as commander of the vessel, to be increased, so as to make it equal to that of Captain of a third rate.

The Columbine was considered by most of the officers, to rank next to the Challenger; the Sapphire next; and, as we said before, the Wolf, Acorn, and Satellite, were found to be pretty nearly equal. All the new ships (except the poor Tyne) are said to be superior to the Trinculo and Alert, and on several occasions they beat the Pyramus, a 42-gun frigate!

Since writing the above, the vessels have sailed on a second cruize, the result of which we hall not fail to lay before our readers, as soon as a sufficient time shall have elapsed to enable us to obtain all the particulars with due correctness.

Once the reports – spread over the 3 issues that appeared in June, September and December of 1827 – have been digested there are few surprises. The Columbine’s 3-feet clearance of her ports above the water-line was, to a generation brought up on the hard lessons of close blockade of the French coast, keeping Napoleon’s forces land-bound in all weathers, always going to be tricky if called upon to trundle out their great guns in any sort of sea.

Likewise, the extreme design of the Columbine, though stiff, was never going to inspire confidence in an officer of the watch tasked with keeping a chase in sight in choppy seas. And thus it turned out. Throughout the results the Columbine excels in ‘light airs’ but, once conditions get livelier, drops back and is beaten fair and square by just about every other vessel in the squadron.

THE EXPERIMENTAL SQUADRON, last report (December, 1827)

It is best to let the reports, speaking of trials conducted in the spring squalls of April and the autumn uncertainties of October’s cruise, speak for themselves.

THE EXPERIMENTAL SQUADRON, under the command of Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Hardy, returned to Portsmouth on the 19^th Oct from their third and last cruise,except the Tyne, which ship could not rejoin the squadron. We have in our last number given a detail of their proceedings, which we have reason to know was correct, and furnished n fair estimate of the respective qualities of the ships. To give, perfect satisfaction to all the parties concerned Is almost an impossibility ; for so identified, on all occasions, are both officers and seamen with their own ship, that if they do not absolutely distrust facts, they commonly see them through a very obscure and partial medium. There are, indeed, some cases, in which the inferiority of one ship is so evident, that no reasonable doubt can be entertained in the mind of any person - yet even in these cases, it often happens, that individuals so interested seek refuge in probabilities, instead of judging by plain facts. Thus, the most common reason assigned for failure, is - if the wind had not changed, a certain ship would have weathered all the squadron : and it is remarkable enough, that the wind is generally prejudicial to the ship concerned, for we have rarely heard it acknowledged that the wind favoured it.

Another excuse often urged is, that if such and such an accident had not happened, or if the trial had not unfortunately concluded just at the time the favourite vessel was fore-reaching or weathering on all the squadron, she would unquestionably have been the conqueror. But, the truth of the matter is, that shifts of wind and other casualties, in the long run, affect all the ships nearly alike; we shall not, therefore, take them into consideration, except, indeed, in such extraordinary cases as a ship carrying away a topmast, a yard, or an accident equally serious. In these instances, with reference to the vessel concerned, we need only inquire how she behaved previous to the accident, and, judge of her accordingly.

The squadron left St. Helen's on the 24th Sept, but returned in the evening; they weighed again on the 25th, and stood out to sea. On each occasion the wind was moderate. Of the 28's the Sapphire and Tyne beat the Challenger; the Columbine was superior to the rest of the squadron; we cannot, however, place much importance on these days, as tides may have favoured one ship and not another. We, however, thought it necessary to mention them, inasmuch as those were the only occasions on which the Tyne was present with the squadron.

Saturday, 29th Sept. At starting the wind was light, but afterwards blew half a gale. The Columbine bore up, through carrying away her iron gammoning; previous to this she beat all the squadron. Acorn weathered the Satellite a quarter of mile, Challenger and Wolf a mile, Alert five or six miles. Friday, Oct. 5: sailing two points free, under all possible sail. Columbine beat the Sapphire one mile, Satellite a mile and a half, Alert and Wolf two miles, Challenger and Acorn, two miles and a quarter. Saturday, October 6^th” Close hauled, a calm, with occasional light winds. Columbine and Challenger weathered the Wolf, Satellite and Acorn, one-third of a mile, Sapphire two-thirds of a mile, Alert one mile.

Monday, Oct. 1: Close hauled, half a gale, with a heavy sea. The Acorn and Sapphire, when against the head sea, beat all the squadron; but on the other tack, when the wind lightened, and changed so as to bring the ships astern more to windward, Columbine weathered the Satellite half a mile, Acorn two-thirds of a mile, Sapphire a mile and a quarter, Challenger a mile and three-quarters, Wolf and Alert four miles.

Wednesday, Oct.10: Close-hauled, half a gale, with a head sea. The trial unexpectedly terminated, from the Challenger carrying away her main-topmast in tacking. While it continued, the Sapphire, Challenger, Columbine, Acorn, and Satellite, were nearly equal; but the Wolf and Alert were inferior to them.

Tuesday, Oct. 16th. Close-hauled, half a gale, with a head sea. During the trial the weather became so thick, that we cannot speak with certainty as to the result. However, the Satellite made signal that she weathered the Columbine half a mile; and the Acorn that she weathered the Satellite three-quarters of a mile. Before the weather became so thick, these ships had beaten the Sapphire considerably: the Alert and Wolf were hull down to leeward. The Challenger sprung her fore-yard, and is, therefore, not included in the trial. Previous to this accident she was beaten by the Columbine, Sapphire and Satellite.

From the behaviour of the ships when stowed for foreign service, it was evident that among the 28-gun frigates, the Sapphire had decidedly the advantage over the Challenger. Among the corvettes the Acorn, Satellite and Columbine, were equally Superior to the Wolf and Alert. It is evidently unfair to expect that the 28's should beat the corvettes, on account of the additional deck and carronades, with their top hamper. We are only surprised that they should have beaten them on any occasion, except sailing free.

We all know that fighting, as well as sailing, is an important quality in a man of war. It is rather singular that this indispensable quality should be generally overlooked, when dwelling on the efficiency of ships. But as the ships are nearly useless to the country, if they are unable to fight their lee and weather guns in heavy weather, we shall briefly allude to this property of the vessels under consideration. On Sept. the 29th, the Admiral made signal for the squadron to fire their guns; it was blowing very fresh, but not particularly so, as the squadron were carrying top-gallant sails. The _.Acorn and Satellite fired with comparative ease, and might have engaged an enemy if required, even under her heavy press of sail. The Alert, Challenger, and Wolf, could not fire with any effect.

The Columbine and Sapphire were not in company at the time; we cannot, therefore, speak from experience of their capability of firing in bad weather. Any person, however, at all acquainted with the subject, must be aware that the Sapphire, from her stiffness, cannot be deficient in this respect; but that the Columbine, although very far from being crank, from the lowness of her ports, which are only three feet from the water, would, in a high sea, very probably fail in this material quality. On the whole, we think it fair to conclude that the Acorn, Satellite and Sapphire, judging of their general qualities as men of war, are among the finest ships of their respective classes in the British navy; that the chief exception against the Columbine is the lowness of her ports; and against the Challenger, Tyne and Wolf, deficiency in stability.

As stated, the more ‘experimental’, extreme design of Symonds (Columbine), did not fare very well at all when the wind had more than moderate force, or when there was any sort of sea running.

In fact the Columbine was never going to get approved as a model for a RN ship – one of those ‘storm-tossed ships’ which had to keep the seas in all weathers, and still be able to fight an action. Throughout the trials, whenever there was more than a cap-full of wind, she was bettered by all the other ships in the squadron.

And so the first of the ‘experimental squadrons’ completed its trials, under the patronage of the Duke of Clarence (later William IV) who, whatever his failings as a person, never failed the Navy, of which he was always ordinately proud to be a serving member. He gave his uncritical, enthusiastic support to every innovation, every improvement by which he believed the Navy would benefit, as will be seen in the final two, short pieces, both from the October ‘Miscellany’ pages of the Magazine.

the Lord High Admiral (Duke of Clarence), in a visit to Portsmouth, visited the “..new sloop of war Satellite, Capt. J. M. Laws (built by Sir R. Seppings), which is fitted with a new gun-carriage, the invention of Gen. Miller, improved by Sir T. Hardy, on a principle which admits of the gun being fired with considerably greater ease and facility than those which are mounted on the old carriages. H. R. H. was much pleased with the invention, and the exercise of the crew at the guns, as he was with the internal fitments and arrangements of the Satellite, which he minutely excamined. At half-past eleven H. R. H. left the sloop under a royal salute from the fleet, and landed from the steamer (HM steam-vessel Lightning) at Southsea Common.

The Lord High Admiral (Duke of Clarence) has directed Capt. J. Hayes and Capt. W. Symonds, each to build a 44-gun frigate, agreeably to their own plans, without any restrictions as to length, breadth or tonnage. Dr. Inman is to build another 28-gun frigate, which will be of greater length and breadth than ships of this force usually possess.

2006-12-11T03:03:00.000-08:00

A TREATISE ON RIGGING

c. 1625

Intro

This manuscript, known as the Petworth MS, was printed in 1921 by the Society For Nautical Research (& reprinted by them in 1958, and is quoted at varying length in a number of modern books on 17^th Century ships).

According to the introduction written for the SNR by R. C. Anderson (to both of whom I'm indebted for the introduction, much of which is summarized below), there are no clues as to who wrote it, and it has been annotated later by a different hand. It has no date, and does not refer to any persons or ships.

As Anderson points out, though, it can be dated fairly accurately just on what is mentioned within the MS. Mention is made right at the beginning of some ships having 2 mizens; when the Royal Sovereign was built around 1637, she was by far the biggest ship of her age, and she had just 3 masts (which remained standard for big ships until 200 years later). So its probably earlier than 1637 (unless written by an anti-Pett shipwright of the Old School).

But the spritsail-topsail was not in use until around 1618, and that is mentioned in the MS as normal practice, so it is probably after that.

Anderson says about 1625, although it could be 10 years either way. As such, it would have followed pretty closely the practices of shipbuilders and sailors of Drake’s time; we're only talking of 30 years after the Spanish Armada, after all.

A word or three about spelling & grammar. This was the golden age of individualistic spelling, nothing was standardized (even Shakespeare spelled his name in different ways at different times) and this is no exception. Look under ‘Sailes belonginge to a ship’ and you will see ‘spritsail’ spelt 4 different ways, on one line!

So, I’ve taken a few liberties with the text to make it easier to read. I don’t think many people would have problems with spellings like ‘yearde’ for ‘yard’, or ‘bovespright’ for ‘bowsprit’, so I’ve left words like that as they are.

But when you read, ‘on on the on side’ it takes a moment to realise he’s saying, ‘one on the one side’, so those are the words I’ve ‘corrected’, the little words - so ‘to’ now reads ‘too’, and ‘of’ becomes ‘off’.

Numbered items have been altered so the number precedes the noun, in line with modern practice. So ‘takles 2’ now reads ‘2 takles’

I’ve also broken a few of the longer sentences down into shorter ones, and sprinkled a few commas & full-stops around to make the meaning clearer.

Any of Anderson’s (or my) suggestions or definitions are shown in square brackets [thus].

Fadom is a fathom, or 6 feet - but don’t ask me what that is in metres, its the distance between fingertips of a man's outstretched arms (how they measured depth, or speed in knots, & origin of 'fathom' as a verb meaning to get to the bottom of). Others are: ‘hie’ = high; ‘ey’ = eye; ‘fale’ = fall; ‘pt’ = part; ‘shiver’ = sheave; ‘toptopgallant’ = royal; ‘overlop’ = orlop (but not with the later meaning; at that time it meant the lowest full, or structural, deck).

Note that the 'Traineborde' mentioned in the last para refers, presumably, to a 'traverse board'. This was a small circular wooden board with a series small holes in the shape of concentric rings; at each bell the course and distance sailed was marked on the board using pegs, attached by strings to the board. In this way it served as a primitive 'log' which could be used by even illiterate helmsmen.

EVERY SHIP HATH THESE GREATER MASTS

Mayne mast. ffore mast. Misson mast and Bovespright.

Somme ships have 2 missons, ether in regard of ther length, or qualeties. When in regard of length, it is for handsomnes, because too much distance betewene masts is unseemly. In regard of ther qualety is when a ship will not keepe the winde, and that her head falles off, which is incident to all ships hie built or which have those sails which flatts off the head of the ship (which ar those of her ffore masts and spritsayles), stronger then those of her Mayne mast and Misson, which ar the sayles which keepes the heade of a ship to the winde. Sometymes we geve a ship 2 Missons to keepe her head to the winde when she hulles, to the ende that she may ride easely on the waves, and not lie tumbling in the trough of the sea betweene 2 billowes.

When a ship hath 2 missons the former is called the Mayne, the other the Bonaventure Misson.

EVERY SHIP HATH COMONLY THESE LESSER MASTS

Mayne topmast. Mayne Topgallant mast. ffore Topmast. ffore topgallant mast. Misson Topmast. sprightsayle topmast. Fflagstaves, whose number is uncertayne, som ships have them upon every Topgallant mast, and they serve also for Toptopgallant sayles, which ar of good use in a loune gale of winde.

Every mast hath his yearde fastened to it by the Parrell, and the sayles ar fastened to the yeardes by the Robins, every yeard hath his name from the mast they ar fastened unto.

Every mast hath his Cordes fixed which ar called standing ropes. They serve only to keepe the mast steady and upright.

The other ropes which serve for hoisinge and striking of sayles, or to place them fitly for every wind, ar called running ropes, and belong to the rigginge of the yeardes.

OF THE MAYNE MAST AND THE STANDING ROPES BELONGING TO IT

The mayne mast is fastened to the ship, at the ffoote, in a step which is fastened to the keelson, and at the overlop with parteners, which ar of 2 partes with a hoole, of the bignes of the mast, for the mast to passe through in the middle of them, they ar fastened to the beames of the ship with boults. Besides the mayne mast hath these standinge ropes to kepe it steddy and upright: .

The mayne stay

2 Backstayes

Shrowdes

2 or 4 Takles

Swifters

Garnet

HOW ALL THE STANDING ROPES AR FASTENED TO THE SHIP AND MAYNE MAST

The Mayne stay is fastened with a Coller, about the Head of the ship, at the lower end of it, and at the mast head at the upper part of the Crosse trees at the other end.
The backe stayes ar commonly of the bignes of the shroudes, and ar fastened to the heade of the mast by the tresle trees above the shroudes, at the lower ende of them they have every one a dead mans ey, by which they ar fastened with Laniers to the Chain Wales by an other dead mans ey fastened in a chaine to the chaine wale, which is set there of pourpose; ther ar 2 backstayes, that is, one in every side.
Shrowdes. They ar more or lesse in every ship accordinge to her burthen, Somme have 4, Somme 5, somme six and somme 8. They ar fastened to the head of the mast by the Tresle trees at the upper ende, at the lower, to the Chayne wales, by deadmans eyes as the backe stayes.
Tackles. They ar 2 or 4 accordinge to the ships burthen, and ar framed of 3 ropes and 3 blockes whereof 2 ar single blockes, the other double. The upper rope is called a pendant, and is never above 2 or 3 fadom longe, at the lower end of it is rived a single blocke into which is rived an other rope which is called the runner, this is somewhat bigger then the shrowdes. In great ships lesse, in smale ships bigger; for we have respect in the choice of them, to the wayght they ar to lift. The one ende thereof is fastened to the chainewale, as the shroudes, at the other is a double blocke, through which is rived another rope called the falle, which is somewhat lesse then the runner, at one ende thereof is a single blocke with a hooke fastened to it, the which fastens it to the chainewales by a ringe set there of pourpose; the falle goes in 4 partes. The Takles beares with the shroudes, serves to steddy the mast and to hoise in the bote or any great wayght.
Swifters: thei ar as big as the shrowdes, and fastened to the head of the mast and chainewales as the shrowdes. Ther ar 2 on each side. They serve only to stay the mast and beare with the shrowdes.
Garnet. It hath 3 ropes and 3 blockes of the same name the Takles ar. The Pendant is fastened to the heade of the mast by the tresle trees, and from thence goeth to the mayne stay, and is fastened unto it with a block; throw that blocke is rived the runner, to which is fastened at one ende a double blocke throw which comes the falls, which goeth in 4 partes and hath a blocke fastened to it as the takle:

This serves to hoise in goods of ordinary waight.

The mayne yeard is fastened to the mayne mast by the Parrell, and hath thes runing ropes belonging to his Riggings:

The Parrell Shetes

Ties Tackes

Gere Bowlings

Lifts Clewgarnets

Martlets Buntline

Robins

[in margin] doubt whether the Halliers, Braces, The Trusse, Catharpings is not of this company.

THE ROPES BELONGING TO THE RIGGING

OF THE MAYNE YEARD AND MAYNE SAYLE

The Parrell is framed of a Rope, Truckes and Ribs or sisters; the rope goeth 3 tymes losely about the mast, and hath the Trucks and ribbs laced on the Truckes through one hole, the Ribbs through 3 holes, the Parrell rope is fastened to the yeard in ether side the mast in 3 partes or boules at ether fasteninge which make, in both fastenings, 6 partes, and from thence is fastened on the Ribbes of the parrell in 2 notches called brookes in 6 parts more.
Robins ar certayne smale ropes fastened to Iletholes under the headrope, halfe a foote asunder, and ar tied about the yeard to fasten the sayle to it.
Ties: they ar rived in 2 partes into the ramhead, from thence they ar carried through the Hondes, which ar holes in ether side of the head of the mast close under the Tresle-Trees, from thence thei goe to the middle of the yeard and ar fastened to it betweene the parrell ropes.
Halliers is fastened to the knight by a Pennant, and from thence ar rived through the Ramhead and Knight in 6 partes, and ar belayed to the knight:
Gere: the gere is fastened with a clinch to the head of the mast above the shroudes, and from hence goeth through a blocke set on the yeard betweene the 2 fastenings of the Ties, and from thence is carried to an other blocke fastened with a strap to the head of the mast, and which commes downe close under the Tressel trees, from thence it goes close by the mast to the decke, and is belayed to the Gunwale under the shrowodes.
Lifts: they ar fastened at the standing endes to the coller of the mayne stay, thence they goe through 2 blocks fastened to the yeard armes at the inside of the Topsayle sheete blocke, and from thence goe through 2 blocks which ar fastened with a strap to the head of the mast, which commes downe below the Tresseltrees, and so goes downe to the deck by the fforemost shroude, and is belayed ther to the Gunwale. Ther ar 2 lifts on for ether side.
Braces: they ar 2 and ar fastened by eyes to ether yeard arme, the earerings of the sayle keeps them fast, they ar ether of them of 2 ropes. That fastened to the yeard arme is called the Pennant, and is not of more then 2 or 3 fadom longe to the lower end, wherof is rived the braces, whose standinge part is fastened to the aftermost tymber, the other is belayed to the next tymber before it.
Sheetes: the standinge part of ether of them is fastened to rings set on ether side of the outside of the quarter of the ship, from thence their pas through blockes fastened to ether side of the clewes of the saile, and thence goe through pullies placed on the outside of the quarter of the ship before the rings, to which the standinge part is fastened, from thence thei goe into the ship and ar belayed to the gunwale under the shroudes.
Tackes. Ther standinge parts ar fastened to the clew of the sayles with a wale knot, and the strap of the mayne sheete keepes it fast, thence they passe throw the Chestrees, which ar boulted to the outside of the loffe of the ship, and ar belayed to bitpins on the fforecastell.
Bowlings, they ar fastened by bridles and cringles to the litch of the saile, the bridles goe in 3 partes, from the litche of the sayle thei passe ether of them through a blocke fastened to the Bove spright, hard by the stemme, from thence they com into the ship, and ar belayed to bit-pins on the fore castell.
Martnets ar framed of 2 pennants, a ffale and the martlets. The first pennant is fastened to the Topmast head over the tresletrees above the shrowdes, and is 2 fadom long, at the lower ende of it is fastened to a blocke to which the fall is fastened, and from thence goeth through an other blocke fastened to the lower pennant blocke, and from thence goeth through the blocke of the upper pennant, and so to the decke. Through the lower pennant blocke goeth the other pennant, in 2 partes, to the lower ends of ether of which partes is fastened a dedmans eye with three holes in them, through which the martlets passe in 6 partes, at every deadmans eye, and ar fastened at every end to a smale lope called legs, which ar fast to the boult rope at the Litch of the sayle; they goe downe within a yeard of the clew of the mayne cours.
Clewgarnets: they ar fastened to the middle of the yeard on ether side of the yeard arme, betweene the parrell and yeard arme, from thence thei goe to the clewes of the sayles, and ar ther rived through 2 blockes, and from thence pas through 2 other blocks fastened on ether yeard arme, within the first fastenings, and so to the decke, and ar belayed to the Gun Wales by the foremost shrowds.
Buntlines: they ar 3, one in the middle and one on ether side of the Bunt of the sayle; they are fastened to the skertes of the sailes, and from thence they goe through a blocke fastened to the collar of the mayne stay, and so to the decke, and ar belayed to 2 cleates set to ether side of the mayne mast.
The Truss is fastened to the middle of the mayne yearde, betwene the Parell, with a tymber hitch, and from thence goes through a blocke fastened to the mayne mast close to the middle decke, and so to the Capstone when you will use him.
Cattharpings: they ar 6 of every side and every one fastened to a shroud, they passe through a deadmans eye with 3 holes in it on every side, and so going, in 2 pts make six, to the ende of every deadmans eye is fastened a blocke, to the one of which the standinge part of the ffalle is made fast, the other ende of it passeth through the other blocke and thence goeth through the blocke it is fastened unto, and so is belayed to the necke of the blocke.

[Note added] Doubt: whether the maynstay is not a standing rope as well as the shroudes rattlins, and whether there be any more [that] may be cauled standing ropes, or not running ropes, or ropes of any other nature, as ropes of use.

THE RUNNINGE ROPES BELONGING TO THE MAYNE

YEARD AND THER USES

The Parrell fastens the yeard to the mast.
The Robins fasten the saile to the yeard.
The Tyes carry the yeard.
The Halliers hoyse the yeard.
The Gere serves to ease the Tyes and slinge the yeard.
The Liftes serve to top the yeard - 2.
The Trusse serves to heave downe the yeard.
The Braces serve to steddy the yeard and set the mayne Topsaile fitly - 2.
The Shetes serve to round aft the saile and fitt it to every winde – 2.
The Tackes hale forward the saile and steddyes it downe by a winde – 2.
The Bowlings serve to keepe the sayle from shaking in the winde.
The Martnets hale the outer Litch of the sayle with the shetes and Tackes close up to the yeard.
The Clewgarnets hale up the Clew of the sayle close to the yeard.
The Buntlines hale up the Bunt of the sayle close to the yeard.

The Catharpings serve to set the shroudes stiffe, thei belong properly to the rigging of the mast.

THE TOPMAST

The Topmast is fastened to the head of the mayne mast, by the crosse trees and the cap of the mayne mast, and hath these standing ropes to steddy it:

The fore stay, fastened with a coller to the head of the Topmast at the upper ende. At the lower ende it hath a Deadmans ey fastened to it, which is with a Lanyer made fast to an other Deadmans ey in the foretop, which is fastened to the foremast with a strap.
Shroudes; thei ar fastened to the Topmast heade, at the upper ende uppon the cross trees, at the lower ende they ar fastened to the Pouttockes of the mayne mast with deadmans eyes and Laniers, as other shroudes ar fastened in ther places.
Backstayes, framed of penants and fales, the pennants ar fastened to the head of the Topmast and com downe to the mayne top at the lower ende; they have, ether of them, a blocke spliced through which the ffalle is rived, whose standinge part is fastened to the rayles abaft the mayne shroudes, the other belayed to the rayles ther 2.
Tackles, 2, they ar called Burton Takles, and ar framed of pennants and falles. The pennants ar fastened to the Topmast heade, at ther lower endes ether of them hath a block spliced, through which the ffalles are rived, ther standing partes are fastened to the Puttockes on ether side of the mayne mast the other ends ar belayed to the said Puttockes.

THE RUNNING ROPES BELONGINGE TO THE RIGGINGE

OF THE MAYNTOPMAST YEARD

Parrell is framed of Truckes and ribbes, as other Parrells ar, but the ribbes have but 2 holes in ether of them, because the Parrell rope goeth but in 2 partes about the Topmast.
Robins are fastened to the sayle and yeard, as those of the mayne sayle.
Tyes, is a single rope fastened to the middle of the yeard, from thence it passeth through the Hounde of the Topmast and cometh, when the yeard is aloft as lowe, as the lower part of the mayne Top: at that ende thereof it hath a blocke spliced through which the runner is rived, his standing parte is made fast to a Timber nere the decke, close to the quarter decke, at the other ende of the runner is spliced a blocke which serves for the Halliers.
The Halliers ar rived through the blocke of the Runer, ther standing pt is fastened to a ring with a hoke close by the quarter decke, the other ende is belayed ther, the runner is fastened to one side, the Hallier to the other side of the ship.
Lifts: there standing part ar fastened to the Topmast heade with a hitch, thence they go to 2 blocks fastened to the yeard arme, and thence throwgh 2 other blockes fastened to the Topmast heade, and so to the mayne Top, wher thei ar belayed.
Braces: 2, framed of 2 Pennants and 2 falles, ether of the Pennants ar neere 3 fadom long, the Pennants ar fastened to the yeard armes with an eye to ther lower ende, thei have ether of them a blocke spliced. The ffalles have ther standing pts fastened to the misson masts heade, from thence they go through the Penant blockes, and thence through 2 other blockes, spliced to ether of the missons foremost shroudes, and thence through 2 blockes spliced to ether of the after shroudes of the mayne mast, and so right downe to the decke, where they ar belayed.

Shetes: 2, they ar fastened to ether clew of the sayle, from thence passe through blockes fastened to the yeard arme, thence they goe through 2 other blockes fastened to the yeard on ether side, one nere the Ties of the mayne yeard, and so to the decke, and ar belayed to the bitts by the mayne mast.

Clewlings, 2, ther standinge parts ar fastened to the Topsayle yeard close to the Ties, from thence they goe through blockes fastened to ether cleu of the Topsaile from thence they goe through other blockes fastened on the yeard, close by ther standing parts, thence they goe through the mayne top, and so through truckes, fastened to the shrouds, to the decke.

Bowlings, 2, thei ar fastened with 4 bridles and 4 cringles on ether of the litches of the sayle, thence they passe through 2 blockes fastened to the topmast stay, thence they passe through a double blocke, both of them, which stands neere the fore top, and is fastened to the head of the foremast with a strap, and so down to the fforecastell, where they ar belayed.

THE TOPGALLANT MAST OF THE MAYNE MAST

It is fastened to the Topmast head by the Tressletrees and the cap of the topmast, and hath these standing ropes to steddy it.

Staye. It is fastened to the Topgallant mast heade at the upper ende, thence it goes to the heade of the fore topmast, ther it passeth through a blocke and so goeth downe to the fore top and is fastened to the Top.

Backstayes, 2, they ar fastened to the head of the mast with 2 pennants which have ether of them a blocke spliced to the lower endes throwgh which blockes the falles ar rived, there standing parts ar fastened to timbers by the missen mast on ether side one and the other parte is belayed by them.

Shroudes, 2 on a side, they ar fastened aloft to the head of the Topgallant mast below to the Puttockes of the Topmast shroudes.

Lifts, 2, they ar fastened to the Topgallant masts heade thence they goe to the yeardes armes and ar rived through 2 blockes set ther and from thence goe through 2 other blockes fastened to the Topgallant masts heade, and so to the Topmast Top where they ar belayed.

RUNING ROPES FOR THE RIGGINGE OF THE TOPGALLANT YEARDE

Parrell, framed as other parrells.

Robins, fastened to the sayle and yeard as others ar.

Tyes, is a single rope fastened to the middle of the yeard, thence it goes through the hounds of the mast and hath a blocke fastened to the end of it.

Halliers passe through the Tie blocke, and ar fastened and belayed to timbers on the pope before the misson shroudes.

Braces, 2 framed of 2 pennants and 2 falles, which ar the braces, the pennants are fastened to the yeard with eyes, to ther lower endes they have ether of them a blocke spliced, through which the ffalles or braces ar rived. Ther standing endes ar fastened to the misson Topmast heade, the runing pts passe through to blockes fastened to the misson Topmast shroudes, and thence to the rayles on the poope, where they ar belayed.

Lifts, 2 on on ether side, they ar fastened to the Topgallant masts heade, thence they goe through 2 blockes set at the yeardes armes, and from thence passe through 2 other blockes fastened to the Topgallant masts heade, and so to the Topmast Top, wher they ar belayed, the one on the one side, the other on the other side.

Bowlings, 2, one on ether side, thei ar fastened with Cringles and bridles to the litches of the sayles on ether side, thence they passe through 2 blockes fastened to the Topgallant masts stay, thence thei passe, both of them, throughe blockes fastened to the shrouds of the ffore topmast with straps, and so to the foretoppe, where they ar belayed.

Shetes, none, for the standing part of the mayne topsaile liftes ar unbent and fastened to the Clews of the Topgallant sayles, and so serve for sheetes to them.

The Toprope is fastened to the Cap of the mayne mast, from thence it goes through a sheave set in the Heele of the Topmast, and from thence goes through a shiver set in the head of the mainmast, and from thence through a shiver in the knight when you use him; els he is quiled in the Top or fastened to the shroudes.

[in margin] This serves to hoist the Top mast or strike it, and is the Top rope for the mayne Topmast, other Topmasts ar framed of the fassion. The fforemast foretopmast, and fore Topgallant mast have lyke ropes, and serve to lyke pourposes as those of the mayne mast, only they differ in ther fastenings; and the fore mast hath no Garnet belonging to it, nor swifters.

THE BOVESPRITT IS FASTENED TO THE SHIP AS FFOLLOWETHE

AND THE SPRITSAYLE HATH THESE RUNING ROPES BELONGING TO IT

The Bovespright is gammed to the ships head with a rope woulded fast to the fforemast, with an other and bolted fast to the decke; standing ropes it hath none.

THE SPRITSAILE HATH THES RUNINGE ROPES

The Parrell hangeth the yeard to the Bovespright.

Robins fasten the sayle to the yeard.

Halliers: it is fastened to the bovespright at the standinge ende, from thence it goes through a blocke spliced to the middle of the yeard: from thence it goes through an other blocke fastened to the bovespright somwhat nere the standinge part, and thence to the gammings of the bovespright, where it is belayed.

Lifts, 2: ther standing parts ar fastened to 2 short Pennants fastened to the utter ende of the bovespright, from thence ther runninge parts goes through 2 blockes fastened to the yeard armes, and thence through 2 other blockes fastened to ether side of the bovespright, and so goe to the Gammings of the bovespright, where it is belayed.

Braces, 2: they ar sesed to the forestay at ther standing ptes, from thence thei goe through 2 blockes fastened to the yeard armes by 2 short pennants, thence they goe through 2 other blockes fastened to the ffore stay within ther fastenings, thence to the head of the ship, where they passe through 2 blockes fastened there, and so to the fore-castell, where they ar belayed.

Garnets, 2: ther standing parts ar fastened to the forestay within the braces, from thence they passe through 2 blockes spliced to the yeard in the midde betwene the yeard arme and the parrell, from thence they passe through 2 blockes sesed to the forestay belowe ther standing pts, thence they goe through 2 other blockes fastened to ether side of the ships head, and thence into the forecastell, wher they ar belayed.

Clewlines, 2: ther standing pts ar fastened to the Clews of the sayle, the other passe through 2 blockes fastened to the yeard, one on ether side, in the middle betweene the yeard arme and the Parell. From thence thei passe through 2 other blockes seised to the ships head, and so into the fforecastell, and there ar belayed.

[in margin] They serve to docke up the spritsayle, and to hale it up, close to the yeard.

Bunt Lyne: it is made fast to the bunt of the saile, from thence it commes to the bovespright close by the yeard, and goes through a blocke fastened ther, and goes to the forecastell, where it is belayed.

Sheetes: thei passe from the spiritsayle Pennants, through 2 blockes, the Pennants ar fastened to the clew of the sayle, from thos blockes they goe through 2 shivers, which ar set right against the mayne mast one in ether side, and ar belayed to 2 Kevils, ther standing pt is fastened ther.

Horses, 2: they ar fastened to the yeard in the middle, betweene the Parrell and yeard arme single, at the other endes, they have ether of them a deadmans eye, which is fastened to 2 other deadmans eyes, with Laniers fastened to the bovespright with straps.

[in margin] Thei serves for your men to hould by, when they take in or put out yor spright saile.

THE SPRITSAYLE TOPMAST

The Spritsayle Topmast standeth in a Cap, fastened to the Top of a Knee, which standes on the utter ende of the bovespright, and hath his heele set fast in a step made in the bovespright; under the knee are yron crosse trees, and above ar wooden crossetrees, which serve only to make the Top stande square, for on them the Top standeth. The Topmast hath standing ropes these:

Shroudes, 3 of a side: they ar fastened to the head of the topmast above, belowe to puttockes fastened to the Iron crosse trees.

Crane backstaye, on which goes in 6 partes as followeth: his standinge pte is belayed to the forestay belowe the brace blockes, from thence the other pte goes through a blocke fastened to the Topmast heade by a pennant, from thence it passeth through a blocke fastened to the fore stay, belowe his standing part. From thence he goeth through an other blocke, fastened by a Pennant to the Topmast heade, and thence to another blocke, fastened to the fore stay, and thence through an other blocke, fastened to the topmast heade with a pennant allso, and thence goeth through an other blocke, fastened to the forestay, and is belayed to the forestay, somwhat belowe the last blocke, so that the Crane back staye hath 3 pennant blockes fastened to the Topmast heade, and 3 blockes fastened to the forestay.

THE SPRIGHTSAYLE TOPSAILE HATHE THESE RUNNING ROPES

Parrell, as other parrells.

Robins fasten the sayle to the yeard as other robins.

Tie, fastened to the middle of the yeard, thence goes through the hounds in the head of the Topmast, and hath a blocke spliced to it.

Halliers, the one ende of it is fastened to the bovespright by the crosse trees, the other passeth through the blocke fastened to the Tie, and is belayed to the Iron Crosse trees.

Sheetes, none, the spright Lifts ar unbent and fastened to the clew of the Topsayle, and so serve for sheetes.

Clewlines, 2: ar fastened to the clewes of the Topsaile, from thence they goe through 2 blockes, fastened close to ether side of the Tie, thence goe into the ships head, and ar belayed ther.

Braces, 2: they ar framed of 2 Pennants and ffales, the Pennants ar fastened to the yeardes armes, at the other endes they have ether of them a blocke spliced. The ffales (which ar the Braces) ar fastened at ther standing endes to the stay of the fforemast, ther runing parts passe through the pennant blockes, and thence goe through 2 blockes, spliced within ther standing endes, to the ffore stay, and ar then belayed to the stay.

Lifts, 2: ther standing partes ar fastened to the Topmast heade, ther runing pts goe through to [two?] blockes fastened to the yeard armes, and thence through 2 other blockes fastened to the Topmast head, to the Sprightsayle Top, and ar belayed ther.

THE MISSON YEARD AND SAYLE HAVE THES RUNING ROPES

Parrell, which is framed of Truckes and ribs, as other parrells, it hath more a dead mans ey fastened to the parrell at one ende, and the other end of the Parrell ropes commes through the eyes of the deadmans eye, to which an other rope called the Trusse is fastened, this trusse is a single rope, and goes directly to the decke from his fastening to the parrell. It serves to keepe the yeard fast to the mast, for the misson parrell is set more lose then other parrells, because it is, as the winde changeth, shifted from the one to the other side of the mast.

Tie: it is fastened to the yeard 3 ffoote belowe the middle of it, to make it stand hier, thence it passeth through the Hounds of the mast, and hath a blocke spliced to the end of it.

Hallier: his standing part is fastened to the ende of the Tie blocke, the other end goes through the misson knight which standes, before the misson mast, with 2 shivers in it, from thence it goes through the Tie blocke, and thence through the knight againe, and is belayed to the knight.

Bowlings, 2: ther standing endes ar fastened to the yeard through holes, ther other endes goe through 2 blockes fastened to the aftermost shroudes of the mayne mast, and ar belayed to the rayles under the shroudes.

Brailes: ther standinge partes ar fastened with Cringles to the litches of the sayle, thence they passe through 2 blockes set on the yeard below the Parrell, and so to the decke, they ar 2 of them, and ether is of 2 pts.

[in margin] They serve to trusse up the lower pte of the sayle.

Martnets, thei ar 6 of a side, those of ether side goe through a deadmans eye with 3 holes in it, double which make the 6 ptes. They ar fastened to the upper ende of the Peke of the saile with legges, to the deadmans eyes ar 2 ffales fastened, which goe through a double blocke, fastened to the misson mastes heade, to the deck.

[in margin] They trusse up the upper part of the sayle.

Tacke, one, it is fastened to the lower litch of the saile, when you use it you put it about som tymber under the mayne shroudes, at other tymes it is furled up in the misson sayle. It serves for bothe sides.

Shete, one, it is fastened to the after tymber in the poupe of the ship, thence it goes through a Timber [block?] fastened to the after litch of the saile, and thence through an other blocke, fastened to the foresaid after timber, and ther is belayed.

THE MISSON TOPMAST

The Misson Topmast is fastened to the head of the misson mast as other Topmasts ar, and hath these standing ropes.

Shroudes, 3 on a side, they ar fastened to the Topmast head above, and to the Misson Puttockes belowe.

Stay. It hath a Pennant that fastens it to the Topmast head, at the end of which is a block spliced, through which blocke is rived a double pennant, which hath at ether end an other blocke, through ether of which blockes is rived other double pennants, to ether ende of which pennants ar spliced a blocke. The falles of the stay ar, at ther standing endes, fastened to the aftermost shroude of the mayne mast on ether side, from thence they goe through the pennant last blocke, and thence through other blockes fastened to the mayne shroudes, thence through the last pennant blockes again, and thence through blockes fastened to the after shrouds againe, and ar belayed to the shroudes, so that this stay hath his fastenings to the mayne shroudes on ether side of the ship.

RUNNING ROPES FOR THE MISSON [TOPSAIL] YEARD AND SAYLE

Parrell, framed as other Parrells.

Tie, fastened to the middle of the yeard, thence passeth through the Hound and so to the decke. It serves to hoyse the yeard without a hallier, for it hath noe Hallier rived to it as other Ties have.

Bowlings, 2: they ar fastened with Cringles and bridles as other bowlings, to the litch of the sayle, from thence they passe through 2 blockes fastened to ether aftermost shroude of the mayne mast, crosse wise, that is, the starbord Bowlinge to the larbord shroude, and the Larbord bowlinge to the starbord shroude, and so ar belayed to the timbers by the mayne shroudes.

Sheetes, 2: they ar fastened to the clewes of the sayle, from thence they passe through 2 blockes fastened to the 2 armes of the crosse jacke, and thence goe through 2 blockes fastened on ether side of the Misson masts head, to the rayles under the Misson shroudes, and ar belayed ther.

Lifts, 2: they ar fastened to the Topmast head, thence they goe through 2 blockes fastened to the topsaile yeard armes, from thence they goe through 2 other blockes fastened to the Topmast heade, and so into the misson [top]mast, wher they are belayed.

THE CROSSE JACKE

The Crosse Jacke hath no saile, it serves only to spreade the Misson Topsaile and is slonge fast to the misson mast with a rope, and hath 2 Braces, they ar single ropes fastened to ether arme of the Crosse Jacke, and so goe from ether side to the aftermost Timber on the Poupe and are belayed ther.

Lifts, he hath none, but when ther is use of any, the standinge part of the Topsaile braces [sheets?] ar unbent from the Topsayle, and fastened to the Crosse Jacke, and so serve for Lyfts.

THER AR OF BLOCKES THESE KINDES

Double blockes

Single blockes

Snatch blockes, which serve to bring the ropes to the Capstone.

Winding blockes, which serve to set a mast or heave things of great weight.

Double long Blockes.

Ramheads ar those blockes fastened to the Ties for the halliers to goe in.

Deadmens eyes serve to fasten ropes to the chainewales with other deadmens eyes and laniers.

Truckes -----

Ribbes or sisters-- they serve to put on all parrell ropes of mastes, and Truckes ar placed in divers pts to carrie som ropes to a knowen place to [the] ende [that] men may reddely finde them.

THER AR CHAINEWALES BELONGING TO

The Mayne mast

the foremast

the Misson mast- they serve to fasten the shroudes and other standinge ropes that steddy, the mastes.

THE STANDING ROPES OF TOPMASTS AR FASTENED

TO THE PUTTOCKES OF THE MASTES THAT CARRY THEM

Puttockes ar ropes fastened to the shroudes of any mast. They comme like little shroudes, through the Tops, and have ther ratlinge like shroudes, now of late that part which commes through the Tops of the greater masts ar made of Iron, to prevent wearinge out, as ropes will doe.

ROPES BUT SEVEN IN A SHIPPE WHICH AR

The Boterope, Toprope, Boye rope, Entering rope, Lim[m]er or keele rope, Ladder rope, Bucket rope. All others have particular names.

SAILES BELONGINGE TO A SHIP

Mayne Course, mayne Bonnet, mayne Drabler, one or 2.

ffore Course, fore Bonnet, ffore Drablers, one or 2 : we have respect in sayling of ships to the length of the mast, and all men hould a should [shallow?] Course better and more handy in ffoule weather, and then, to cloathe the mast, we ar driven to take 2 drablers.

Mayne Topsayle, Topgallant, Toptopgallant.

ffore Topsayle, fore Topgallant Toptopgallant.

Sprightsayle; spritsaile bonnet, sprittsayle Topsayle, sprit sayle Topgallant.

Misson course and bonnet, misson Topsaile, misson Topgallant saile.

Studing sayles, which ar set on ether side of your fore and mayne saile in ther utter sides.

All the sayles of the mayne mast and Misson binde the ships heade to the winde. All of the foremast and Bovespright flatt her head off from a winde.

All mastes ar set upright, except the Mayne mast, which ever hanges afte, the reasons for it ar 2. First, it gives the ship the more way, because it presseth not the ships heade into the sea; secondly, it bindes the ships heade the more to the winde, for all sayles, the farther aft they ar, bindes the ships head the closer to the winde.

TERMES USED OF SEAMEN

Starbord, the right side.

Larbord, and port, the Left side.

Alouffe, is towards the winde.

Romer, from the winde.

Steddy thus, when the ship runs her right course.

Comme no nere, when the ship edges from her course into the winde

Beare up, is when the ship is to weather of her course.

IN CUN[N]INGE OF A SHIP THE MASTER

USETH THOSE TERMES BEFORE WRITTEN

And in steede of Larbord, Porte the helme, the reason is because the word Larborde may be mistaken by the Helmesman, by reason of the affinity it hath with Starbord in sound.

To bring a ship a stayes, you louffe into the winde, till the sayles be driven to the mast.

To Lay a ship on the Lee, you beare up from the winde till the sayles be driven to the mast.

When you will stay for an other ship, you lay your ship on the Lee, or stay with her, or els bring her forre sayle and topsayle on the Lee only, and let her mayne sayle and mayne Topsayle continew their worke. What way they geve the ship the foresaile and for Topsayle hinder.

The ship goeth ether by a winde, before the winde, quarter winde Lasking or veeringe.
By a winde, when the tacke is close abord and the sheetes haled close aft.
Before the winde, when the ship goes, betweene 2 sheetes, right before the wind.
Quarter windes, when the Tackes be abord and the shetes all flowen, and then the ship makes most way because she hath all sayles drawinge, which befor the winde she hath not, for the main sayle becames the fforesaile.
Lasking, or veringe, is when the tackes be a borde, an but one or [2] fadom of the shete veired.
The ship Hulles, without any sayle.
The ship tries, with Misson course or courses, as the winde blowes.
A crosse sayled [square-rigged] ship will lie within 6 pointes of the winde.
A Carvell will lye within 4 or 5 pointes of the winde.
A Hoy will lie within 3 pointes of the winde.
When you enquier what course the ship goes, you may aske howe the shippe Capes, or How she windes, howe the helmesman steres.
The litche of the sayle is the utter edge of ether side.
The Clew of the sayle is the lower part wher the Tackes and sheets ar fastened.
The Bunt of the saile is the middle of the saile.

THE MEANES BY WHICH THE SHIP IS TURNED STEERED

The Rother hangs to the sterne post, and is of the thicknes of the sterne post where it hangs. If it be broader it hinders her steredge, and makes it turne uneasely; from thence it growes thicker and thicker, till it comes to the backe, which is the outter part of it, the thicknes ther makes the ship stere the better.

The Tiller is fastened to the heade of the Rother, and at the Helme porte, commes into the ship, as far as the sterredge.

The Whip is fastened to the ende of the Tiller with an ey of Iron; it comes up at the whipscuttle, through the rowler, into the sterredge rome.

The Whip moves the Tiller, the Tiller the Rother, the Rother guides the ship.

In the sterredge rome is the Bitakle, which is a box madd of wainscott; it hath several particions, it serves to carrie the Compasse, lights and Traineborde.

2006-09-26T21:44:00.000-07:00

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HMS Ganges was moored at Harwich, an old two-decker built of teak, and was used for training boy-seamen for the Navy. They usually joined at the age of 13 or 14.
HMS President was for many years the HQ of the RNVR, and was responsible for the high calibre of the Reserve officers she produced in later wartime, when the regular RN could not supply enough officers to meet the ballooning demand. Its notoriously difficult to sort out which President was which; a USS President was captured in the War of 1812, and a copy of her later built for the RN, but that Navy had had a President since the 17th century. The shape of her sternpost in the photo places her firmly in the latter half of the 19th century.
This is, of course, no RN training ship, but a clipper from about the turn of the century, but I guess you could call it 'sail training' as the presence of the two smiling boys at the wheel suggests an enjoyable lesson. She's close-hauled on the port tack, and the angle (and wetness) of the deck, the position of the boom and the crest of the wave behindwould seem to indicate that her master (in the sou'wester) wanted to keep a bit more canvas aloft than caution would dictate. Wish my schooling had looked like this.

A war junk at Woosung; no stamp or message on this postcard, but I'd guess this dates from around 1900. Many mandarins of the old court had 'personal' junks, and used them to supplement their incomes through 'taxing' trading vessels entering 'their' harbours, and even brought opium in them deirectly, despite many Imperial edicts forbidding its importation. There is a windlass visible in the bows, and a sampan with a passenger is being sculled away from the campanion visible at the junk's side.